September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt.
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
| Цитаты Гитлера на немецком | В национал-социалистическом контексте фраза Meine Ehre heißt Treue относится к заявлению Адольфа Гитлера после восстания Стеннеса, инцидента между берлинским штурмовым отрядом (SA) и Шуцштаффелем (SS). |
| Adolf Hitler Issues Comment on the "Jewish Question" | Hofbrauhaus interior where Hitler spoke National Socialist German Workers Party Public meeting in the Great Hall of the Hofbräuhaus Friday 15 August 1920 Adolf Hitler ~~Why We Are Antisemites~~ Translation from German by Hasso Castrup (Copenhagen, Denmark), January, 2013, exclusively for. |
Adolf Hitler Issues Comment on the "Jewish Question"
Вы знаете о моих бесконечных попытках, которые я предпринимал для мирного урегулирования вопросов с Австрией, потом с Судетской областью, Богемией и Моравией. Все они оказались напрасны. Польша обрушила нападки на свободный город Данциг. Более того, Польша не была готова уладить проблему Коридора разумным способом, с равноправным отношениям к обеим сторонам, и она не думала о соблюдении её обязательств по отношению к нацменьшинствам. Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются.
Ни один француз не может встать и сказать, что какой-нибудь француз, живущий в Сааре, угнетён, замучен, или лишен своих прав. Никто не может сказать такого. Однако не прав окажется тот, кто станет расценивать мою любовь к миру и мое терпение как слабость или даже трусость.
Начните свою жизнь - по новому и с чистого листа. Желаю всем удачи и только добра. Показать больше.
Дно долины в 26 тысяч лет достигнуто. Рабство уменьшится, свободы прибавляется, и мы всё больше будем мирно творчески этим пользоваться. Пусть тебя не смущает, что в данный момент угрожающе трещит. Это делается быстро, беспощадно и всё глупее, так что всё больше людей всё скорее мигают и с удивлением видит: оппа, вот так обстоят дела, которые до сих пор были вне моей оптики… Нет, я в этом больше не буду участвовать. Направляю свою благодарность Адольфу Гитлеру и немецкому народу. Миллионы немцев тогда участвовали в борьбе, в которой тогда ещё невозможно было победить. Но бойцами авангарда они были. Они пробивали бреши.
Выступление Гитлера с переводом. Высказывания Гитлера о русских. Цитаты Гитлера на русском. Листовки Гитлера. Текст Гитлера на немецком. Гитлеровские речи на немецком. Гитлер начал вторую мировую войну. Высказывания Гитлера о войне. Цитата Гитлера про войну. Высказывания немцев о украинцах. Гитлер про украинцев и русских. Нацистские высказывания. Афоризмы Адольфа Гитлера. Выступление Гитлера 1941. Речь Гитлера на русском. Слова Гитлера о русских. Высказывания Гитлера о славянах. Цитаты Гитлера о евреях. Цитаты Сталина. Высказывания великих людей о Сталине. Высказывания о Сталине. Великие люди о Сталине цитаты. Геббельс про ложь и правду. Йозеф Геббельс пропаганда. Йозеф Геббельс цитаты. Гитлер был нацистом. Фашист и Патриот. Гитлер о социализме цитата. Гитлер Украина. Русские должны умереть, чтобы жили мы немцы. Мы обязаны истреблять население. Гитлер заявил мы обязаны истребить населения. Мы обязаны истребить население низшей расы. Планы Гитлера. Только водка и табак. Никакой гигиены только водка и табак Гитлер. Майн кампф Адольф Гитлер цитаты. Mein Kampf цитаты. Mein Kampf мемы. Гитлер о славянах цитаты. Высказывания фашистов о русских.
Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года
Цитаты гитлера на немецком | Анекдоты, цитаты, статусы, загадки, стихи, фразы. Hofbrauhaus interior where Hitler spoke National Socialist German Workers Party Public meeting in the Great Hall of the Hofbräuhaus Friday 15 August 1920 Adolf Hitler ~~Why We Are Antisemites~~ Translation from German by Hasso Castrup (Copenhagen, Denmark), January, 2013, exclusively for. Пользователь Микола Довгенький задал вопрос в категории Лингвистика и получил на него 2 ответа. Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура.
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
Эти фразы отражают главные принципы идеологии Гитлера и его стремление к поддержанию превосходства немецкой расы и единства нации. Именно с помощью подобных высказываний он убеждал и вдохновлял миллионы немцев на покорение мира и осуществление своей визии «Тысячелетней империи». Какие фразы использовал Гитлер в своих речах и выступлениях Великий диктатор Адольф Гитлер был мастером ораторского искусства. Его речи и выступления оказывали огромное влияние на миллионы людей, и считается, что именно его слова способствовали набору поддержки и веры в его политику и идеологию. Вот некоторые известные фразы, которые Гитлер использовал в своих речах: «Дайте мне народ, и я построю государство» Эта фраза отражает идею Гитлера о необходимости авторитарного правления и отказе от демократии в пользу сильной власти, которая, по его мнению, способна создать успешное и процветающее государство. Он считал, что защита благородной крови и предотвращение «засорения» ее поможет сохранить силу и превосходство германской нации. Гитлер использовал речи и значимые фразы, чтобы усилить свою власть и убедить нацию в правильности своих идей.
Его разрушительные высказывания стали катализатором гибели миллионов людей и оставили неизгладимое пятно в истории человечества.
Gedichte Band 5, Suhrkamp 1964 S. Bechtle 1968. Ich denke, die Journalisten zeigten schlechten Geschmack, als sie den Mann der Stunde in Deutschland kritisierten.
April 1931, S. Er spricht scharf gegen Rosenberg. Weil er alles und nichts macht. Juli 1933.
Schmidt, Der Standard, 20. Er hatte das gewisse Etwas, woraus Legenden geschaffen werden…" - John F.
Unknown and nameless men, whom duty had simply called, nothing else, and who in response had fulfilled their duty as faithfully as they were able.
The same motive forces which were to blame for the first world war are now responsible for the second static. Germany then was a monarchy; in other words not a National-Socialist dictatorship. The Germany of that period was democratic, that is, not a national-socialistic state, and the Germany of that period was parliamentarian, that is, not what Germany is today, to say nothing of all other differences.
There had to be reasons therefore, which led to the attack of these powers then as today, and which had nothing to do with the respective forms of government, although both sides pretend that it is just this which called them into the field of battle. They did not enter the war for this reason. They did not enter and are not at war because they were irritated by the form of the state.
They are capable of embracing the vilest type of government when necessary and of fraternizing with it. No, no, it is not a question of a form of a government, but other reasons which brought them previously into a war against the German state. At that time England was the principal initiator of this struggle, England, which during 300 years...
Static-part of the sentence unintelligible. People once subjugated to be kept in subjugation. By force they made one state after another pay them tribute and become their servants.
In this manner England has subjugated the world over a period of a few hundred years; and, to make secure this conquest of the world, this subjugation of people, England endeavors to maintain the so-called balance of power in Europe. This means in reality that it endeavors to make sure that no European state is able to win over a certain measure... What they wanted was a disunited, disintegrated Europe, a Europe all of whose forces completely offset one another.
To reach this goal, England conducted one war after another in Europe. She has seen first its powerful position menaced by Spain. When they had finally conquered Spain, they turned their attentions to the Netherlanders.
When Holland seemed to represent no further danger, British hate concentrated itself against France. And when finally France was crushed with the help of all Europe, to be sure, they then imagined that Germany must be, of necessity, the one factor which might possibly be suited to the unification of Europe. Then it was that the struggle against Germany began, not out of love for the nations, but only in their own most sober interests.
It is well-known that they have always been the instigators of unrest among the nations, because they were able to profit only in time of unrest, and because a period of peace might lead to reflection and hence, also, to an insight into the ways of these evil-doers of all nations. When, in 1914,a world coalition against the German Reich of that time was first brewing,... They then said, "Germany must first of all be freed from its Kaiser.
But the English always feel concerned for other nations, and for that reason they wanted to free Germany of its Kaiser, then as now. Finally, they said, "There shall be no more war. Therefore let us wage war upon war.
If only one wanted to apply it in retrospect. That means, if one wanted to say, "We agree that war is an injustice because only brutal force decides war. We will eliminate all coercion.
Hence we will abolish everything arisen through coercion up to now. But still it would have been wonderful if England had led the way to the rest of the world in its abhorrence of war in this manner, that it would have liberated the fruits of its own wars, that is, that it would have placed them again at the disposition of the rest of the world. If England had done that, if it had therefore declared: "We abhor war.
Therefore, we will immediately return South Africa; because we won it through war. We hate war. Therefore, we will return the East Indies; we also won those in a war.
For instance, we hate war. Therefore, we will also leave Egypt; because this also we have subjugated through force. We shall also retire from the entire Near East; because this also became ours through force.
However, the struggle against war meant something entirely different in England; namely, this war against war was interpreted to mean every possibility of making good the injustices already existing in this world;... It is about the same as the attitude we recognize also in domestic policy, when people say: "We want no change in the social order. He who is rich is to stay rich; he who is poor must stay poor.
As things are, so are they willed; and as they are willed, so they are to remain; for man should not rise against that which is once willed, because it is so. We see in each state and at each moment of this world the evidence of a never interrupted process of life; and it is impossible to say at a certain moment, "Here ceases this evolutionary process. It lies, on the contrary, in the essence of Nature, that ever and again...
That means therefore that from the domestic life of peoples the... And so the talk of war on war has been proved quite false. The best proof for that is that the moment the war was over, the conditions for a new war could by no means be avoided, nor the instruments for waging the new war, either.
It would have been a wonderful gesture if after the disarmament of Germany, as it... We suggested it to them often, begged them to at the time of the Weimar Republic, and still later demanded that they do it. They considered it not at all.
On the contrary, the wars went on. Only the defeated people, the German people, lost every prospect ever in this world to change its condition once more for the better. The methods which they used in the first World War were like those with which they are fighting today.
At first the war from outside, and war in the form of creating coalitions. Then he himself admits that they were never in a position to fight alone. But they guaranteed the Baltic states; they guaranteed the Balkans.
They went on around: Every state in the world, they declared, needs a guarantee. Great Britain will put her whole strength behind them and will protect them. Today this same arch-liar says: "But we were really never in a position to carry on the war alone.
Therefore they cooked up a coalition against us of world-wide extent. The methods have likewise remained the same. Promises to all those of little faith, the credulous, or stupid, who wanted to trust these promises, moreover, the attempt to allow their own interests to be represented with as much other blood as possible.
This truth is connected with the second British method, that is, with the method of division. In that time that the British Empire had its origin, Germany tore herself apart. There were at that time modes of thought that we no longer understand, modes of thought of a religious kind, that unfortunately were fought out only with the sword, modes of thought that became horrible among the people, that seem insufficient to us in their inner being.
Only these grievous internal struggles, that cost the German people endless blood, gave England the opportunity in this same period, to raise up a world claim, that never belonged to her either in number or in significance. Then I must always point out that it is not true that we Germans are like upstarts, but if one wants to talk about upstarts, then it is unconditionally the English and not ourselves! We have an older history, and in a time when Europe had a powerful German Empire, England was a quite insignificant, small, green island.
In the last World War the possibilities of this splitting up lay in another sphere. Afterwards the religious problems did not provoke any more bloodshed, especially since the priests themselves would not have been ready any more to sacrifice their lives for these causes. We lived through it then.
The parties of the right and the parties of the left, which further broke up in a dozen bourgeois aspects, in a half dozen proletarian aspects, and ever split up some more, and having begun with these parties, from the bourgeoisie of the bourgeois center up to the KPD Communist Party of Germany , succeeded this refers back to the parties of the right and left in undermining and breaking down the German people slowly from within. In spite of that, the course of the war was a glorious one. The years 1914-1918-they proved it: in which not even the opponents triumphed.
A low, common revolt was plotted by Marxian-demoralizing-Liberal-Capitalistic subjects-behind all of it as a driving force was the eternal Jew. They brought Germany to its collapse at that time. Only the cowardice of the then rulers, their indecision, their halfway measures, their own uncertainty brought it on.
And so the First World War could not alone be lost by the merit of our opponents, but exclusively by our own fault. The consequences of this collapse in November were not that world democracy stretched out open arms to Germany, were not the concern of others to free the German people from its burdens and to lift the German people to a higher standard of culture. For that they could have no concern at all, for they themselves had a much lower one.
But the consequence was just their collapse, the most frightful one, politically and economically, that a people has ever experienced. At that time there came to us a man who has done the German people immeasurable harm, Woodrow Wilson, the man who lied with a straight face. If Germany would lay down her arms, then she would get a compassionate, an understanding peace!
Then she would not lose her colonies! But the colonial problems were fixed up, all right! The man lyingly promised us that there would be a general disarmament, that we would then be accepted on equal terms among nations, peoples, etc.
He lyingly promised us that then secret diplomacy would be done away with, and that we too would then enter into a new age of peace, of equality, of reason, etc.! Screams the last sentence. He was his right hand.
Our German folk believed this man then. They had no idea that they were dealing here with an American President, that is, with a man who has no regard for truths; who, for example, can calmly say before an election: "I shall vote against war," and after the election can say: "I vote for war. So there came the hour then the German people got its disappointment at the moment when the German subordinate emissaries entered the car in the Compiegne forest, now known to us for the second time.
And there right away came the rude question: "What are you gentlemen doing here? They said: "He who says that the intention is to take from Germany her... They said beforehand: "He who says that we want to take away part of the German people is inciting the people!
They had broken all their promises! In a few months the German people sank into a state of unimaginably deep despair and despondency-starving people without hope any longer. A people that did not get its war-prisoners back, even after the armistice and peace-treaty had been signed!
A people that was not given food, even after it was defenseless! A people that was now repeatedly coerced,-if one carefully studies those times-from whom re-subjection was again and again demanded, extorted by some new repression. When one reflects upon this even today, one falls even now into a state of burning hatred and rancor against a world in which anything like this is possible.
Well, it was at that time, my racial comrades, when everything was broken up, when the upper leadership had faithlessly fled abroad, when others were surrendering, when the Wehrmacht had to give up its weapons, when the people disarmed themselves voluntarily,-it was at that time, when the agitation? It was such a mad determination in the eyes of those others, that my closest friends did not understand me. I found the strength for this determination only from my knowledge of the people.
If, at that time, I had only known the upper ten thousand, believe me, my German people-I would not stand before you today, I would never have found courage for this thought which is capable of revolutionizing a people. I knew at that time first and all the people itself; I knew... I could not abandon that, for it would have been to betray my own comrades, who were just as badly...
I have come to know the great mass of the German people, ladies and gentlemen, from living with them. And these masses have not only upheld my belief in the people, but have restored it, and constantly strengthened it through all the years since then, in the face of contrary circumstances, or when any misfortune seemed to threaten the realization of my plans. It was clear to me that this whole development, just as in the last 20 years or 30 years before the war, could lead only to collapse.
But I had already formed the resolve to declare war on this whole development. That is not merely to declare: "I will get a German Wehrmacht, I will get an army or an air-force"; it was clear to me that the inner structure of the social order must be altered, so that in the dead body of our people the blood would flow again, and that society should hold firmly... I have always looked upon this undertaking as possible, as within the power of the country.
But I was of the conviction that strength could only be given to a body in which the sight and the essence of the new condition was already incorporated. Therefore, I was resolved to build up a small movement, beginning with those people who should already have within themselves that which appeared later as really essential to the whole of society. And this was perhaps not so hard as I thought, inasmuch as I was already on guard against the danger of unworthy place-seekers or selfish persons joining my ranks.
For whoever joined this movement in those years from 1919-23 had to be a boundless idealist. Any other kind of man would only say: "He is an utter fool. The man is mad.
And I can say that of all my followers, all of them who at that time and later supported me: they had nothing to win, and everything to lose. And how much have they all lost for my sake. I have now begun this battle, first against stupidity, stupidity and inertia, under the so-called higher strata; I have begun it against the cowardice which spreads caste far and wide, the cowardice which always pretended to be cleverness and came around and said: "We must submit; we must be patient"; or, as Herr Erzberger said, "We must sign everything, we must sign everything they put before us; then they will forgive us; then it will be all right again.
All the others were gone again. And one had to begin again. I made a calculation at that time. If I win a hundred over, and have only ten remain to me, and the other ninety always leave me, then gradually they will become a hundred if I win a thousand. If I win ten thousand, they will be a thousand, and gradually the number of those who remain will grow ever larger. And if one had departed for the second or third time, perhaps, then perhaps he will be embarrassed to go the fifth time, and then he too will remain.
And thus, with unbelievable patience and with perseverance and persistence I will slowly build up a group that is a majority in the German Reich itself. The others may laugh or mock as much as they wish. It does not matter. They may go against us. That does not matter; then we will defend ourselves. We will not capitulate.
We will not get off the street, we will not give up our places until we... The feeling of the National Socialist is today obvious to us. However at that time, these were new ideas, new learnings, which were neither understood, nor of course, accepted by many. And another thing was added to this, a cursed tradition, in which every single... It was a fight against traditions, and also, naturally, against the elements of cultural up-bringing. Some said,...
One is studied, taught, hammered in, in God knows how many homework hours, and the other is innate born and will always come to the fore, and will know how to find a following among his natural and necessary talents of leadership. It was a struggle against almost all of the things which we were accustomed to in life. Besides this, there was a fight against certain natural interests. For some, because. I do not know what is more evil, a bodily threat rather than a spiritual suppression which can perhaps break down a person even faster than a physical threat. There have been heroes who have come forward at that time.
And I should like to explain something about that: These heroes have in reality continued the war of 1914-1918. One sees them yet so displayed as if they were soldiers in my eyes and their party, no, that the soldiers have been once, and indeed the best soldiers. They were the best soldiers that have ever been, who would not and could not bear the acquiescence, thus we recognize it today, that a really good National Socialist will also be always the best soldier. And now came the organized opponents also. They were first of all approximately 46 or 47 parties, who hesitated accordingly to unite together the bicyclists, or the small gardeners, or cottagers, or other people. But there were some 48 parties.
An Allied Opposition. And here above all the party secretaries, their functionaries,. For where, after all, was a... You are fighting here for something that can be of no use to anyone. You will both have to get off your high horse. In the long run you cannot do without each other.
And as an example he says, or he makes rejoinders, which... Where, then, do the trade-union secretaries and the syndics get? And most of all, where then do the dear Jews get, who had, indeed, their interests so much in both camps, who on the one hand directed capital, even, and on the other hand led the anti-capitalists, and often, indeed, as one family with two brothers in both camps. My dear national comrades! When at that time I began this fight, I knew very well that it was a fight against an entire condition of things, and how hard it was only my fellow-fighters can know, who realized that for me the last war had offered clear... I continued to fight when I could speak again, and I have gone up and down the country, and from city to city, and have spoken and labored again and again, always with the single thought to loose the German people from this bond, to deliver them from their lethargy, and voice is fading.
Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice. Now the whole nation understands it; what was then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover. This good fortune, to be able to give... How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast.
Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days. I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison.
And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting.
Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us. These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the...
They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany! Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out.
If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot... To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that...
There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war? Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed.
They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment. Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one.
Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty. On the contrary, as the other world went to pieces progressively, unemployment grew and continued to grow greater. The years 1913 to 1930 are years of continuous experimentation, continuous economic ruin, an uninterrupted prostitution of the political sovereignty of the German people; also an abandonment of economic materials. And we had to witness all this. At that time I fought, but during those years, my countrymen, there were many setbacks for forbidden parties, one sentence...
Then again local groups were dissolved, then again, over all of German states the movement was forbidden. In short, there was a continuous fight against uninterrupted setbacks. Then, finally, came September, 1930, and we walked into the Reichstag with our 106 mandates-another was added-107 mandates. Then we should have been given part in the government, but that was when the real opposition sidetracking came, and it grew greater uninterruptedly. It was a continuous battle, which eventually... How many party members did we lose at the time?
Then came the year 1932. The first presidential election, again a setback. The second presidential election, the party saw... It was a fight in which all was at stake. Many persons again had to pay with their lives that year. Many persons went to prison.
And then came July, with a... Then everyone cried: "This is the hour in which to take over power," and again the hour passed by, it had to go by. And then came another reversal. And then-a final battle. And finally the day, the memory of which we are celebrating. Now, my compatriots countrymen , I have related this to you only very briefly, in order to show you above all else that: the victory which we are celebrating today, did not come to us at that time as an easy gift, which fell into our laps.
This victory was bound up with great efforts, with sacrifices, with deprivations, with unceasing labors, and also with setbacks. And if you had asked anyone on January 15, "Do you believe that this person"-that was I at that time-"will get into power? And now I must mention something else. I told you what I found conditions to be in the year 1919 to 1920, when I brought the party into existence; I have depicted for you the situation, after my first great defeat. But I must recall to your memory, in just a few sentences, what I had taken upon myself on that 30th of January. It was a heritage which hardly anyone wanted any more to take over at all.
Everything ruined, the economy destroyed; 7,000,000 people without a living, and it was increasing from week to week; 7,000,000 part-time workers. The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions. The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence.
Звуки с голосами немецкой речи скачать и слушать онлайн
Причем слова, фразы и цитаты использовались немецкой пропагандой не лишь для укрепления воинского духа солдат или «рекламы» известной идеологии. Выражение “Гитлер капут” имеет хорошие шансы навсегда выветриться из коллективной памяти немцев. In seiner Ansprache vor dem deutschen Reichstag am 1. September 1939 rechtfertigte Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler den deutschen Angriff auf Polen. Die Rede war nicht nur an die anwesenden Reichstagsabgeordneten gerichtet: Durch Radioübertragung und Übersetzungen wurde Sorge. В заключение, несмотря на то что фразы Гитлера на немецком являются частью истории, их использование должно быть осознанным и ответственным. исторические очерки, документы, материалы» (М., Изд.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
- Цитаты Гитлера
- Adolf Hitler's words in German with English translation
- Воззвание фюрера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 г. - Нацистская пропаганда против СССР.
- Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года: glavbuhdudin — LiveJournal
Der Fuerer ist gefallen-Сообщение немецкого радио о смерти Адольфа Гитлера 1 мая 1945 года.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком | Анекдоты, цитаты, статусы, загадки, стихи, фразы. По одной из них, данная фраза была в письме Гитлера главе берлинского отделения СС Курту Далюге. Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. История праздника, Традиции праздника, Тосты и Подарки, Интересные факты. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ! Смотреть онлайн или скачать видео Adolf Hitler: Speech at Krupp Factory in Germany (1935) | British Pathé в MP3, 3GP, WebM, MP4 в HD 720, Full HD 1080, Ultra HD 4K и даже Ultra HD 8К качестве со звуком с YouTube бесплатно по прямой ссылке на компьютер, телефон или планшет без. A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937.
Цитаты Гитлера
Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура национал-социализма, основатель тоталитарной диктатуры Третьего рейха, глава Национал-социалистической немецкой рабочей п Смотрите видео онлайн «Адольф Гитлер цитаты и. Я объявляю немецкому народу и всему миру, что Адольф Гитлер вступил как фюрер и рейхсканцлер теперь в замок старой столицы империи, хранительницы короны империи. Адольф Гитлер (1889-1945) был диктатором Германии с 1933 по 1945 годы и является одним из ключевых персонажей Второй мировой войны. Выражение “Гитлер капут” имеет хорошие шансы навсегда выветриться из коллективной памяти немцев. Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte? В заключение, несмотря на то что фразы Гитлера на немецком являются частью истории, их использование должно быть осознанным и ответственным.