Heil Hitler! — «да здравствует Гитлер, слава Гитлеру» (обычно передаётся по-русски как Хайль Гитлер) или просто нем. Крылатые фразы Гитлера. Высказывание Гитлера на немецком. 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich.
Адольф Гитлер Фразы На Немецком Скачать mp3
Der Fuerer ist gefallen-Сообщение немецкого радио о смерти Адольфа Гитлера 1 мая 1945 года. и другие mp3 песни этого артиста и похожие треки. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком кричит. Главная» Новости» Цитаты гитлера на немецком.
Речь Адольфа Гитлера 26 сентября 1938 г. в Берлинском Дворце спорта.
| Хайль Гитлер | Главная» Новости» Слова гитлера на немецком. |
| Хайль Гитлер | это... Что такое Хайль Гитлер? | Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. |
Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
исторические очерки, документы, материалы» (М., Изд. Выражение “Гитлер капут” имеет хорошие шансы навсегда выветриться из коллективной памяти немцев. Главная» Новости» Цитаты гитлера на немецком. Вождь Рейха Адольф Гитлер имеет полную единодушную поддержку всего немецкого народа: какая еще демократия нужна демагогам Запада?».
"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus
речь гитлера на немецком скачать mp3 или слушать онлайн бесплатно на По одной из них, данная фраза была в письме Гитлера главе берлинского отделения СС Курту Далюге. Reichstag Speech, May 21, 1935. "We recognize, with the understanding and the heartfelt friendship of true Nationalists, the Polish State as the home of a great, nationally-conscious people." "The German Reich and, in particular, the present German Government, have no other wish than to live on friendly.
Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941
Это — ложь, когда либеральный мир говорит, что мы хотим добиться перемен силой. По свой собственной инициативе я неоднократно предлагал пересмотреть эти невыносимые условия. Все эти предложения, как вы знаете, были отклонены — предложения об ограничении вооружений и, если необходимо, разоружении, предложения об ограничении военного производства, предложения о запрещении некоторых видов современного вооружения. Вы знаете о предложениях, которые я делал для восстановления германского суверенитета над немецкими территориями. Вы знаете о моих бесконечных попытках, которые я предпринимал для мирного урегулирования вопросов с Австрией, потом с Судетской областью, Богемией и Моравией.
Все они оказались напрасны. Польша обрушила нападки на свободный город Данциг. Более того, Польша не была готова уладить проблему Коридора разумным способом, с равноправным отношениям к обеим сторонам, и она не думала о соблюдении её обязательств по отношению к нацменьшинствам.
Все мне лгут, даже СС! Was Sie da sagen, ist ungeheuerlich. Sie ist ohne Ehre! У них нет чести! Es hat mir jeden erdenklichen Widerstand in den Weg gelegt!
April 1931, S. Er spricht scharf gegen Rosenberg. Weil er alles und nichts macht. Juli 1933. Schmidt, Der Standard, 20. Er hatte das gewisse Etwas, woraus Legenden geschaffen werden…" - John F. Kennedy , Tagebucheintrag vom 1. September 1936 "Man wird der historischen Erscheinung Adolf Hitlers nicht gerecht, solange man ihn als Einzelwesen schildert. Ich bekenne, dass mir Hitler selbst sympathisch ist.
В 1945 году, когда союзники наступали на Берлин, Гитлер покончил жизнь самоубийством. Его правление выводит на вершину одну из самых темных страниц в истории человечества и стоит во главе начала Второй мировой войны и смерти миллионов людей.
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
- Ответы : Что тут говорит Гитлер? На немецком пожалуйста
- Адольф Гитлер знаменитые цитаты
- Цитаты гитлера на немецком с переводом. Немецкие крылатые выражения в русском языке
- Inhaltsverzeichnis
- Афоризмы на немецком языке
Adolf Hitler Speeches
While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense. Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded. The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary to take the child from the control of that small cell of social life which is the family and entrust his further training to the community itself. The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all, it has made this education independent of the question of age. In other words, the education of the individual can never end. Therefore it is the duty of the folk-community to see that this education and higher training must always be along lines that help the community to fulfil its own task, which is the maintenance of the race and nation.
For that reason we must insist that all organs of education which may be useful for the instruction and training of the people have to fulfil their duty towards the community. Such organs or organizations are: Education of the Youth, Young Peoples Organization, Hitler Youth, Lab our Front, Party and Army—all these are institutions for the education and higher training of our people. The book press and the newspaper press, lectures and art, the theatre and the cinema, they are all organs of popular education. What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in this sphere is astounding. Think only of the following: — The whole body of our German education, including the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of our own race. Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world. Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the nation.
German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and constructive will of this epoch. It is very remarkable how the German people have become immune from those destructive tendencies under which another world is suffering. Many of our organizations which were not understood at all a few years ago are now accepted as a matter of course: the Young people, the Hitler Youth, BDM. This consolidation of the internal life of our German nation also establishes a united front towards the outside world. I believe that it is here that the National Socialist Revival has produced the most marvelous results. Four years ago, when I was entrusted with the Chancellorship and therewith the leadership of the nation, I took upon myself the bitter duty of restoring the honour of a nation which for fifteen years had been forced to live as a pariah among the other nations of the world. The internal order which we created among the German people offered the conditions necessary to reorganize the army and also made it possible for me to throw off those shackles which we felt to be the deepest disgrace ever branded on a people. It was not the occasion of taking anything from anybody or causing any suffering to anybody. Second: I now state here that, in accordance with the restoration of equality of rights, I shall divest the German Railways and the Reichsbank of the forms under which they have hitherto functioned and shall place them absolutely under the sovereign control of the Government of the German Reich. Third: I hereby declare that the section of the Versailles Treaty which deprived our nation of the rights that it shared on an equal footing with other nations and degraded it to the level of an inferior people found its natural liquidation in virtue of the restoration of equality of status.
Fourth: Above all, I solemnly withdraw the German signature from that declaration which was extracted under duress from a weak government, acting against its better judgment. Members of the German Reichstag: The revindication of the honour of the German people, which was expressed outwardly in the restoration of universal military service, the creation of a new air force, the reconstruction of a German navy and the reoccupation of the Rhineland by our troops, was the boldest task that I ever had to face and the most difficult to accomplish. Today I must humbly thank Providence, whose grace has enabled me, who was once an unknown soldier in the War, to bring to a successful issue the struggle for the restoration of our honor and rights as a nation. I regret to say that it was not possible to carry through all the necessary measures by way of negotiation. But at the same time it must be remembered that the honor of a people cannot be bartered away; it can only be taken away. And if it cannot be bartered away it cannot be restored through barter; it must simply be taken back. That I carried out the measures which were necessary for this purpose without consulting our former enemies in each case, and even without informing them, was due to my conviction that the way in which I chose to act would make it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, for they would have had to accept them in any case. I should like to add here that, at all this has now been accomplished, the so-called period of surprises has come to an end. As a State which is now on an equal juridical footing with all the other States, Germany is more conscious than ever that she has a European task before here, which is to collaborate loyally in getting rid of those problems that are the cause of anxiety to ourselves and also to the other nations. If I may state my views on those general questions that are of actual importance today, the most effective way of doing so will be to refer to the statements that were recently made by Mr.
Eden in the British House of Commons. At this point I should like to express my sincere thanks for the opportunity which has been given me by the outspoken and noteworthy declarations made by the British Foreign Secretary. I think I have read those statements carefully and have understood them correctly. Of course, I do not want to get lost among the details, and so I should like to single out the leading points in Mr. In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the time. What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants to pursue a policy of isolation? If this a such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated.
During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions. Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions. I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe. The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors.
Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity. In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down.
Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal?
I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen.
For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different.
The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade. I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr.
Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed.
Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr. Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain.
National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction.
С его именем связаны многочисленные преступления против человечества, совершённые нацистским режимом как в самой Германии, так и на оккупированных ею территориях, включая Холокост. Международный военный трибунал признал преступными созданные Гитлером организации и само руководство нацистской партии. Дорогие друзья - благодарю Вас за просмотр. Скажите какая из фраз вам больше всего понравилась?
Слова Адольфа Гитлера. Adolf Hitler quotes. Высказывание Адольфа Гитлера про молодежь. Высказывания про нацистов. Речь Адольфа Гитлера на немецком. Выступление Адольфа Гитлера на немецком. Адольф Гитлер цитаты высказывания. Цитата Гитлера про любовь. Гитлер цитаты социалист. Слова Гитлера. Известные цитаты Гитлера. Фашистские высказывания. Стихи про фашизм. Речь Гитлера текст. Выступление Гитлера с переводом. Высказывания Гитлера о русских. Цитаты Гитлера на русском. Листовки Гитлера. Текст Гитлера на немецком. Гитлеровские речи на немецком. Гитлер начал вторую мировую войну. Высказывания Гитлера о войне. Цитата Гитлера про войну. Высказывания немцев о украинцах. Гитлер про украинцев и русских. Нацистские высказывания. Афоризмы Адольфа Гитлера. Выступление Гитлера 1941. Речь Гитлера на русском. Слова Гитлера о русских. Высказывания Гитлера о славянах. Цитаты Гитлера о евреях. Цитаты Сталина. Высказывания великих людей о Сталине. Высказывания о Сталине. Великие люди о Сталине цитаты. Геббельс про ложь и правду. Йозеф Геббельс пропаганда. Йозеф Геббельс цитаты. Гитлер был нацистом. Фашист и Патриот.
I have come to know the great mass of the German people, ladies and gentlemen, from living with them. And these masses have not only upheld my belief in the people, but have restored it, and constantly strengthened it through all the years since then, in the face of contrary circumstances, or when any misfortune seemed to threaten the realization of my plans. It was clear to me that this whole development, just as in the last 20 years or 30 years before the war, could lead only to collapse. But I had already formed the resolve to declare war on this whole development. That is not merely to declare: "I will get a German Wehrmacht, I will get an army or an air-force"; it was clear to me that the inner structure of the social order must be altered, so that in the dead body of our people the blood would flow again, and that society should hold firmly... I have always looked upon this undertaking as possible, as within the power of the country. But I was of the conviction that strength could only be given to a body in which the sight and the essence of the new condition was already incorporated. Therefore, I was resolved to build up a small movement, beginning with those people who should already have within themselves that which appeared later as really essential to the whole of society. And this was perhaps not so hard as I thought, inasmuch as I was already on guard against the danger of unworthy place-seekers or selfish persons joining my ranks. For whoever joined this movement in those years from 1919-23 had to be a boundless idealist. Any other kind of man would only say: "He is an utter fool. The man is mad. And I can say that of all my followers, all of them who at that time and later supported me: they had nothing to win, and everything to lose. And how much have they all lost for my sake. I have now begun this battle, first against stupidity, stupidity and inertia, under the so-called higher strata; I have begun it against the cowardice which spreads caste far and wide, the cowardice which always pretended to be cleverness and came around and said: "We must submit; we must be patient"; or, as Herr Erzberger said, "We must sign everything, we must sign everything they put before us; then they will forgive us; then it will be all right again. Often we have experienced... And we were not quiet. I then formed the program: "The German language belongs to the German. And I had at that time to fight on further against selfish? The man of the Left said to me: "You are going against my interests" or "You are going against my interests. My interests are class interests. And these class interests oblige me to slay the other fellow. We have the interests of station, we too have our interests,... Do not come in here! And above the interests which seemed to be found in station or in class, stood sic the interests which lie in the folk, in that community which cannot be torn apart, all this appears today to be so obvious a thing to get all these... One group did not want to accept this idea,... We want our old filth... Eventually you will even demand of me that I should add one... To me also it is obvious, we want... All that was thus not so simple, slowly to draw one thing after another out of this people, and how many have quite simply run away from it. It was not, indeed, my national comrades, as if every one who came to me at that time, on that account also remained with me. Many a time I had to bring fifty or sixty somewhere... All the others were gone again. And one had to begin again. I made a calculation at that time. If I win a hundred over, and have only ten remain to me, and the other ninety always leave me, then gradually they will become a hundred if I win a thousand. If I win ten thousand, they will be a thousand, and gradually the number of those who remain will grow ever larger. And if one had departed for the second or third time, perhaps, then perhaps he will be embarrassed to go the fifth time, and then he too will remain. And thus, with unbelievable patience and with perseverance and persistence I will slowly build up a group that is a majority in the German Reich itself. The others may laugh or mock as much as they wish. It does not matter. They may go against us. That does not matter; then we will defend ourselves. We will not capitulate. We will not get off the street, we will not give up our places until we... The feeling of the National Socialist is today obvious to us. However at that time, these were new ideas, new learnings, which were neither understood, nor of course, accepted by many. And another thing was added to this, a cursed tradition, in which every single... It was a fight against traditions, and also, naturally, against the elements of cultural up-bringing. Some said,... One is studied, taught, hammered in, in God knows how many homework hours, and the other is innate born and will always come to the fore, and will know how to find a following among his natural and necessary talents of leadership. It was a struggle against almost all of the things which we were accustomed to in life. Besides this, there was a fight against certain natural interests. For some, because. I do not know what is more evil, a bodily threat rather than a spiritual suppression which can perhaps break down a person even faster than a physical threat. There have been heroes who have come forward at that time. And I should like to explain something about that: These heroes have in reality continued the war of 1914-1918. One sees them yet so displayed as if they were soldiers in my eyes and their party, no, that the soldiers have been once, and indeed the best soldiers. They were the best soldiers that have ever been, who would not and could not bear the acquiescence, thus we recognize it today, that a really good National Socialist will also be always the best soldier. And now came the organized opponents also. They were first of all approximately 46 or 47 parties, who hesitated accordingly to unite together the bicyclists, or the small gardeners, or cottagers, or other people. But there were some 48 parties. An Allied Opposition. And here above all the party secretaries, their functionaries,. For where, after all, was a... You are fighting here for something that can be of no use to anyone. You will both have to get off your high horse. In the long run you cannot do without each other. And as an example he says, or he makes rejoinders, which... Where, then, do the trade-union secretaries and the syndics get? And most of all, where then do the dear Jews get, who had, indeed, their interests so much in both camps, who on the one hand directed capital, even, and on the other hand led the anti-capitalists, and often, indeed, as one family with two brothers in both camps. My dear national comrades! When at that time I began this fight, I knew very well that it was a fight against an entire condition of things, and how hard it was only my fellow-fighters can know, who realized that for me the last war had offered clear... I continued to fight when I could speak again, and I have gone up and down the country, and from city to city, and have spoken and labored again and again, always with the single thought to loose the German people from this bond, to deliver them from their lethargy, and voice is fading. Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice. Now the whole nation understands it; what was then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover. This good fortune, to be able to give... How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast. Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days. I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison. And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting. Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us. These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the... They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany! Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out. If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot... To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that... There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war? Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed. They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment. Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one. Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty.
Известные фразы гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
Reichstag Speech, May 21, 1935. "We recognize, with the understanding and the heartfelt friendship of true Nationalists, the Polish State as the home of a great, nationally-conscious people." "The German Reich and, in particular, the present German Government, have no other wish than to live on friendly. speech to the Reichstag. September 15, 1935. On behalf of the German Reich Government, I have requested Reichstag President Pg. Goring to convene for today a session of the German Reichstag in Nuremberg. The place was chosen because, by virtue of the National Socialist. Цитаты Гитлера Представляю вам цитаты Гитлера.
Adolf Hitler - Speech (1933) | Текст песни
Из анализа публикуемой речи Гитлера хорошо видно, что нападение на СССР воспринималось немцами в контексте войны с Англией, и Сталин рассматривался как английский союзник, достигшей с главным противником Германии большой степени кооперации. This list is incomplete; you can help by adding missing items. (February 2011). Hofbrauhaus interior where Hitler spoke National Socialist German Workers Party Public meeting in the Great Hall of the Hofbräuhaus Friday 15 August 1920 Adolf Hitler ~~Why We Are Antisemites~~ Translation from German by Hasso Castrup (Copenhagen, Denmark), January, 2013, exclusively for. Originally posted by azovpanzerat Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941 Германский народ!
Adolf Hitler Speeches
Ich weiЯ, dass die englische Presse morgen mit einem wьtenden Geklдff ьber mich herfallen wird, ich hдtte angesichts unserer Belastung an der Ostfront die ersten Friedensfьhler ausgestreckt. Stьrmisches Gelдchter. Davon kann ьberhaupt keine Rede sein. In Deutschland denkt heute kein Mensch an einen faulen Kompromiss, das ganze Volk denkt nur an einen harten Krieg. Ich beanspruche aber als ein verantwortlicher Sprecher des fьhrenden Landes dieses Kontinents fьr mich das souverдne Recht, eine Gefahr eine Gefahr zu nennen, wenn sie nicht nur unser eigenes Land, sondern unseren ganzen Erdteil bedroht. Als Nationalsozialisten haben wir die Pflicht, Alarm zu schlagen gegen die versuchte Chaotisierung des europдischen Kontinents durch das internationale Judentum, das sich im Bolschewismus eine terroristische Militдrmacht aufgebaut hat, deren Bedrohlichkeit ьberhaupt nicht ьberschдtzt werden kann. Die dritte These, die ich hier nдher erlдutern will, ist die, dass Gefahr unmittelbar im Verzuge ist. Die Lдhmungserscheinungen der westeuropдischen Demokratien gegen ihre tцdlichste Bedrohung sind herzbeklemmend. Das internationale Judentum fцrdert sie mit allen Krдften.
Genau so, wie der Widerstand gegen den Kommunismus in unserem Kampf um die Macht in unserem eigenen Lande von den jьdischen Zeitungen kьnstlich eingeschlдfert und nur durch den Nationalsozialismus wieder erweckt wurde, genau so ist das heute bei den anderen Vцlkern der Fall. Das Judentum erweist sich hier wieder einmal als die Inkarnation des Bцsen, als plastischer Dдmon des Verfalls und als Trдger eines internationalen kulturzerstцrerischen Chaos. Man wird, um das hier nur zu erwдhnen, in diesem Zusammenhang auch unsere konsequente Judenpolitik verstehen kцnnen. Wir sehen im Judentum fьr jedes Land eine unmittelbare Gefahr gegeben. Wie andere Vцlker sich gegen diese Gefahr zur Wehr setzen, ist uns gleichgьltig. Wie wir uns aber dagegen zur Wehr setzen, das ist unsere eigene Sache, in die wir keinerlei Einsprьche dulden. Das Judentum stellt eine infektiцse Erscheinung dar, die ansteckend wirkt. Wenn das feindliche Ausland gegen unsere antijьdische Politik scheinheilig Protest einlegt und ьber unsere MaЯnahmen gegen das Judentum heuchlerische Krokodilstrдnen vergieЯt, so kann uns das nicht daran hindern, das Notwendige zu tun.
Deutschland jedenfalls hat nicht die Absicht, sich dieser Bedrohung zu beugen, sondern vielmehr die, ihr rechtzeitig und wenn nцtig mit den radikalsten GegenmaЯnahmen entgegenzutreten. Minutenlang hindern nach diesen Sдtzen zustimmende Sprechchцre den Ministeram Weiterreden. Der Krieg der mechanisierten Roboter gegen Deutschland und gegen Europa ist auf seinen Hцhepunkt gestiegen. Das deutsche Volk erfьllt mit seinen Achsenpartnern im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes eine europдische Mission, wenn es dieser unmittelbaren und ernsten Lebensbedrohung mit den Waffen entgegentritt. Wir lassen uns nicht durch das Geschrei des internationalen Judentums in aller Welt in der mutigen und aufrechten Fortfьhrung des gigantischen Kampfes gegen diese Weltpest beirren. Er kann und darf nur mit Sieg enden. Hier ertцnen laute Zwischenrufe: «Deutsche Mдnner, ans Gewehr! Deutsche Frauen, an die Arbeit!
Es hatte deshalb nicht nur eine militдrische, sondern auch eine geistige und seelische Bedeutung fьr das deutsche Volk von tiefstgreifender Wirkung. Erst hier sind uns unsere Augen fьr die aus diesem Kriege erwachsende Problematik vollkommen geцffnet worden. Wir wollen jetzt gar nichts mehr von falschen Hoffnungen und Illusionen hцren. Wir wollen den Tatsachen, und wenn sie noch so hart und grausam sind, mutig in die Augen schauen. Denn jedes Mal noch hat es sich in der Geschichte unserer Partei und unseres Staates erwiesen, dass eine erkannte Gefahr bald schon auch eine gebannte Gefahr ist. Im Zeichen dieses heroischen Widerstandes stehen unsere weiteren schwersten Abwehrkдmpfe im Osten. Sie beanspruchen unsere Soldaten und ihre Waffen in einem Umfange, der uns bei allen bisherigen Feldzьgen vollkommen unbekannt gewesen ist. Im Osten tobt ein Krieg ohne Gnade.
Der Fьhrer hat ihn richtig charakterisiert, als er erklдrte, es werden aus ihm nicht Sieger und Besiegte, sondern nur noch Ьberlebende und Vernichtete hervorgehen. Das deutsche Volk hat das ganz klar erkannt. Mit seinem gesunden Instinkt hat es sich auf eigene Weise einen Weg durch das Gestrьpp der tagesaktuell bedingten geistigen und seelischen Schwierigkeiten dieses Krieges gebahnt. Wir wissen heute genau, dass der Blitzkrieg des Polen- und Wesfeldzuges fьr den Osten nur noch eine bedingte Gьltigkeit hat. Hier kдmpft die deutsche Nation um ihr alles. Wir sind in diesem Kampf zu der Erkenntnis gekommen, dass das deutsche Volk hier seine heiligsten Gьter, seine Familien, seine Frauen und seine Kinder, die Schцnheit und Unberьhrtheit seiner Landschaft, seine Stдdte und Dцrfer, das zweitausendjдhrige Erbe seiner Kultur und alles, was uns das Leben lebenswert macht, zu verteidigen hat. Fьr diese Schдtze unseres reichen Volkstums hat der Bolschewismus natьrlich nicht das geringste Verstдndnis, und er wьrde auch im Bedarfsfalle darauf nicht die geringste Rьcksicht nehmen. Er tut das ja nicht einmal seinem eigenen Volke gegenьber.
Die Sowjetunion hat das bolschewistische Kriegspotential seit 25 Jahren in einem Umfange ausgeschцpft, der fьr uns gдnzlich unvorstellbar war und deshalb von uns auch falsch eingeschдtzt wurde. Das terroristische Judentum hat sich in Russland 200 Millionen Menschen dienstbar gemacht, dabei seine zynischen Methoden und Praktiken mit der stumpfen Zдhigkeit der russischen Rasse vermдhlt, die deshalb eine um so grцЯere Gefahr fьr die europдischen Kulturvцlker darstellt. Im Osten wird ein ganzes Volk zum Kampf gezwungen. Hier werden Mдnner, Frauen, ja Kinder nicht nur in die Rьstungsfabriken, sondern auch in den Krieg getrieben. Die Massen von Panzern, die in diesem Winter unsere цstliche Front berennen, sind das Ergebnis eines 25jдhrigen sozialen Unglьcks und Elends des bolschewistischen Volkes. Dagegen mьssen wir mit entsprechenden GegenmaЯnahmen antreten, wenn wir nicht das Spiel als verloren aufgeben wollen. Ich gebe meiner festen Ьberzeugung Ausdruck, dass wir die bolschewistische Gefahr auf die Dauer nur niederringen kцnnen, wenn wir ihr, wenn auch nicht mit gleichen, so doch mit gleichwertigen Methoden entgegentreten. Die deutsche Nation steht damit vor der ernstesten Frage dieses Krieges, nдmlich der, die Entschlossenheit aufzubringen, alles einzusetzen, um alles, was sie besitzt, zu erhalten, und alles, was sie zum spдteren Leben nцtig hat, dazu zu gewinnen.
Der totale Krieg also ist das Gebot der Stunde. Es muss jetzt zu Ende sein mit den bьrgerlichen Zimperlichkeiten, die auch in diesem Schicksalskampf nach dem Grundsatz verfahren wollen: Wasch mir den Pelz, aber mach mich nicht nass! Jeder Satz des Ministers wird von wachsendem Beifall und stдrkster Zustimmung begleitet. Die Gefahr, vor der wir stehen, ist riesengroЯ. RiesengroЯ mьssen deshalb auch die Anstrengungen sein, mit denen wir ihr entgegentreten. Es ist also jetzt die Stunde gekommen, die Glacehandschuhe auszuziehen und die Faust zu bandagieren. Wie ein einziger Schrei erbebt sich ein orkanartiger Beifall. Sprechchцre von den Galerien und Rдngen bestдtigen die volle Zustimmung der Menge.
Es geht nicht mehr an, das reiche Kriegspotential nicht nur unseres eigenen Landes, sondern der uns zur Verfьgung stehenden bedeutenden Teile Europas nur flьchtig und an der Oberflдche auszuschцpfen. Es muss ganz zur Ausschцpfung gelangen, und zwar so schnell und so grьndlich, als das organisatorisch und sachlich ьberhaupt nur denkbar ist. Hier wдre eine falsche Rьcksichtnahme vollkommen fehl am Orte. Europas Zukunft hдngt von unserem Kampf im Osten ab. Wir stehen zu seinem Schutze bereit. Das deutsche Volk stellt sein kostbarstes nationales Blut fьr diesen Kampf zur Verfьgung. Der ьbrige Teil Europas sollte hierfьr wenigstens seine Arbeit zur Verfьgung stellen. Es gibt viele ernsthafte Kritiker auch in anderen Lдndern, die diese zwingende Pflicht bereits einsehen.
Andere wieder bestreiten sie noch. Das aber kann fьr uns nicht ausschlaggebend sein. Wenn die Gefahr fьr sie allein gegeben wдre, so kцnnte man ihre Auslassungen als literarischen Unsinn bewerten, der keinerlei Bedeutung besitzt. Aber die Gefahr ist fьr uns alle gegeben, und deshalb mьssen wir uns auch alle dagegen zur Wehr setzen. Wer diesen Kampf im ьbrigen Europa heute noch nicht versteht, wird uns morgen auf den Knien danken, dass wir ihn mutig und unbeirrt auf uns genommen haben. Es дrgert uns nicht einmal, wenn unsere Feinde im Ausland behaupten, die MaЯnahmen, die wir jetzt zur Totalisierung des Krieges durchfьhrten, kдmen denen des Bolschewismus ziemlich nahe. Scheinheilig erklдren sie, daraus mьsse man also folgern, dass sich unter diesen Umstдnden der Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus ьberhaupt erьbrige. Es geht hier nicht um die Methode, mit der man den Bolschewismus zu Boden schlдgt sondern um das Ziel, nдmlich um die Beseitigung der Gefahr.
Minutenlanger Beifall. Die Frage ist also nicht die, ob die Methoden, die wir anwenden, gut oder schlecht sind, sondern ob sie zum Erfolge fьhren. Jedenfalls sind wir als nationalsozialistische Volksfьhrung jetzt zu allem entschlossen. Wir packen zu, ohne Rьcksicht auf die Einsprьche des einen oder des anderen. Wir wollen nicht mehr im Interesse der Aufrechterhaltung eines hohen, manchmal fast friedensmдЯigen inneren Lebensstandards fьr eine bestimmte Volksschicht das deutsche Kriegspotential schwдchen und damit unsere Kriegfьhrung gefдhrden. Im Gegenteil, wir verzichten freiwillig auf einen bedeutenden Teil dieses Lebensstandards, um das Kriegspotential so schnell und so grьndlich wie mцglich zu erhцhen. Diese Aktion stellt keinen Selbstzweck, sondern nur ein Mittel zum Zweck dar. Umso hцher wird nach dem Siege wieder der soziale Lebensstandard unseres Volkes steigen.
Wir brauchen die bolschewistischen Methoden schon deshalb nicht nachzuahmen, weil wir ьber das bessere Menschen- und Fьhrungsmaterial verfьgen und damit einen groЯen Vorsprung besitzen. Aber wir mьssen, wie die Entwicklung zeigt, viel mehr tun, als wir bisher getan haben, um dem Krieg im Osten eine entscheidende Wendung zum Besseren zu geben. Im Ьbrigen herrscht darьber, wie mir aus ungezдhlten Briefen aus der Heimat und Zustimmungskundgebungen von der Front mitgeteilt wird, im ganzen deutschen Volke ьberhaupt nur eine Meinung. Jedermann weiЯ, dass dieser Krieg, wenn wir ihr verlцren, uns aber vernichten wьrde. Und darum ist das Volk mit seiner Fьhrung entschlossen, nunmehr zur radikalsten Selbsthilfe zu greifen. Die breiten arbeitenden Massen unseres Volkes machen der Regierung nicht zum Vorwurf, dass sie zu rьcksichtslos, sondern hцchstens, dass sie zu rьcksichtsvoll vorgeht. Man frage landauf, landab das deutsche Volk; nun wird ьberall nur die eine Antwort erhalten: Das Radikalste ist heute eben radikal, und das Totalste ist heute eben total genug, um den Sieg zu erringen. Darum ist die totale Kriegfьhrung eine Sache des ganzen deutschen Volkes.
Niemand kann sich auch nur mit einem Schein von Berechtigung an ihren Forderungen vorbeidrьcken. Als ich in meiner Rede vom 30. Januar von dieser Stelle aus den totalen Krieg proklamierte, schwollen mir aus den um reich versammelten Menschenmassen Orkane der Zustimmung zu. Ich kann also feststellen, dass die Fьhrung sich in ihren MaЯnahmen in vollkommener Ьbereinstimmung mit dem ganzen deutschen Volk in der Heimat und an der Front befindet. Das Volk will alle, auch die schwersten Belastungen auf sich nehmen und ist bereit, jedes Opfer zu bringen, wenn damit dem groЯen Ziel des Sieges gedient wird. Lebhafte Zurufe. Die Voraussetzung dazu aber ist selbstverstдndlich die, dass die Lasten gerecht verteilt werden. Lauteste Zustimmung.
Es darf nicht geduldet werden, dass der weitaus grцЯte Teil des Volkes die ganze Bьrde des Krieges trдgt, und ein kleiner passiver Teil sich an den Lasten und an der Verantwortung des Krieges vorbeizudrьcken versucht. Die MaЯnahmen, die wir getroffen haben und noch treffen mьssen, werden deshalb vom Geiste einer nationalsozialistischen Gerechtigkeit erfьllt sein. Wir nehmen keine Rьcksicht auf Stand und Beruf. Arm und Reich und Hoch und Niedrig mьssen in gleicher Weise beansprucht werden. Jedermann wird in dieser ernstesten Phase unseres Schicksalskampfes zur Erfьllung seiner Pflicht der Nation gegenьber angehalten, wenn nцtig, gezwungen werden. Wir wissen uns auch dabei in voller Ьbereinstimmung mit dem nationalen Willen unseres Volkes. Wir wollen lieber zuviel als zu wenig Kraft zur Erringung des Sieges anwenden. Noch niemals ist ein Krieg in der Geschichte der Vцlker verloren gegangen, weil die Fьhrung zuviel Soldaten und Waffen hatte.
Sehr viele aber gingen verloren, weil das Umgekehrte der Fall war. Es ist also an der Zeit, den Sдumigen Beine zu machen. Stьrmische Bravorufe. Sie mьssen aus ihrer bequemen Ruhe aufgerьttelt werden. Wir kцnnen nicht warten, bis sie von selbst zur Besinnung kommen und es dann vielleicht zu spдt ist. Es muss wie ein Alarmruf durch das ganze Volk gehen. Eine Arbeit von Millionen Hдnden hat einzusetzen, und zwar landauf, landab. Die MaЯnahmen, die wir bereits getroffen haben und noch treffen mьssen und die ich im weiteren Teil meiner Ausfьhrungen des nдheren erlдutern werde, sind einschneidend fьr das gesamte private und цffentliche Leben.
Die Opfer, die der einzelne Bьrger dabei zu bringen hat, sind manchmal schwer; aber sie bedeuten nur wenig den Opfern gegenьber, die er bringen mьsste, wenn er sich zu diesen Opfern weigerte und damit das grцЯte nationale Unglьck ьber unser Volk heraufbeschwцrte. Es ist besser, zur rechten Zeit einen Schnitt zu tun, als zuzuwarten und die Krankheit sich erst richtig festsetzen zu lassen. Man darf aber dem Operateur, der den Schnitt tut, nicht in den Arm fallen oder ihn gar wegen Kцrperverletzung anklagen. Er schneidet nicht, um zu tцten, sondern um das Leben des Patienten zu retten. Wiederum muss ich hier betonen, dass, je schwerer die Opfer sind, die das deutsche Volk zu bringen hat, umso dringender die Forderung erhoben werden muss, dass sie gerecht verteilt werden. Das will auch das Volk. Niemand strдubt sich heute gegen die Ьbernahme von auch schwersten Kriegslasten. Aber es muss natьrlich auf jeden aufreizend wirken, wenn gewisse Leute immer wieder versuchen, sich an den Lasten ьberhaupt vorbeizudrьcken.
Die nationalsozialistische Staatsfьhrung hat die moralische, aber auch staatspolitische Pflicht, solchen Versuchen mannhaft, wenn nцtig mit drakonischen Strafen entgegenzutreten. Schonung wдre hier vollkommen fehl am Platze und wьrde allmдhlich zu einer Verwirrung der Gefьhle und Ansichten unseres Volkes fьhren, die eine schwere Gefдhrdung unserer цffentlichen Kriegsmoral nach sich ziehen mьsste. Wir sind somit auch gezwungen, eine Reihe von MaЯnahmen zu treffen, die zwar fьr die Kriegfьhrung an sich nicht von lebenswichtiger Bedeutung sind, die aber fьr die Aufrechterhaltung der Kriegsmoral in der Heimat und an der Front erforderlich erscheinen. Auch die Optik des Krieges, d. Die Front hat angesichts der ьbermenschlichen Opfer, die sie tдglich zu bringen hat, ein elementares Anrecht darauf, dass auch nicht ein Einziger in der Heimat das Recht fьr sich in Anspruch nimmt, am Kriege und seinen Pflichten vorbeizuleben. Aber nicht nur die Front fordert das, sondern auch der weitaus ьberwiegende anstдndige Teil der Heimat. Stьrmischer Beifall. Die FleiЯigen besitzen einen Anspruch darauf, dass, wenn sie zehn und zwцlf und manchmal vierzehn Stunden tдglich arbeiten, sich direkt neben ihnen nicht die Faulenzer rдkeln und gar noch die anderen fьr dumm und nicht raffiniert genug halten.
Die Heimat muss in ihrer Gesamtheit sauber und intakt bleiben. Nichts darf ihr kriegsgemдЯes Bild trьben.
Однако с целью окончательно разрешить эти проблемы и установить ясность в вопросе русского отношения к Германии1, а также под давлением постоянно усиливающейся мобилизации на нашей восточной границе, я пригласил г. Молотова приехать в Берлин. Советский министр иностранных дел потребовал разрешения2 или же согласия Германии по следующим четырем вопросам; 1 Так в документе. В немецком оригинале «русской позиции в отношении Рейха» — «russische Einstellung dem Reiche» S. В немецком оригинале «уяснения» -«Klaerung» S. Мой ответ: Германская гарантия является общей и непременно обязывающей нас. Однако Россия нам никогда не заявляла, что она имеет интересы в Румынии, за исключением Бессарабии. Уже занятие Северной Буковины явилось нарушением этого заверения.
Поэтому я не думал, что Россия теперь вдруг может иметь какие-либо дальнейшие намерения против Румынии. Россия решила долее не терпеть этого. Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии никакого содействия и, прежде всего, сейчас же отозвать германские войска, направляющиеся на смену в Киркенес? Мой ответ: Германия, теперь, как и прежде, не имеет политических интересов в Финляндии. Однако германское правительство не может потерпеть новой войны России против маленького финского народа, тем более, что мы никогда не сможем поверить в угрозу Финляндии для Советской России. Мы вообще не желаем, чтобы в Балтийском море вновь возник театр военных действий. В немецком оригинале «угрозу со стороны Финляндии» — «von Finnland bedroht» S. Мой ответ: Болгария — суверенное государство, и я не знал, что подобно тому, как Румыния у Германии, Болгария вообще просила бы гарантии у Советской России. Кроме того, я должен обсудить это с моими союзниками. Согласна ли Германия на это или нет?
Мой ответ: Германия в любое время готова дать свое согласие на изменение Статута Монтрё1 в пользу черноморских государств. Германия не согласна на присвоение русскими опорных пунктов в проливах. Здесь я занял единственную позицию, которую я мог занять как ответственный вождь Германии, а также как ответственный представитель европейской культуры и цивилизации. Последствием было усиление советской деятельности, направленной против Германии, и, прежде всего, немедленно начатое внутреннее разлагание2 нового румынского государства и попытка устранения болгарского правительства путем пропаганды. При помощи увлеченных неопытных членов румынского легиона удалось инсценировать в Румынии путч, целью которого было свержение главы государства генерала Анто-неску и создание хаоса в стране, чтобы путем уничтожения законной власти устранить предпосылку для вступления в силу обещанной германской гарантии. В немецком оригинале «Status von Montreux» S. В немецком оригинале «разложение изнутри» — «inneren Aushoehlung» S. Несмотря на это, я все же считал лучшим хранить молчание. Тотчас же после неудачи этого предприятия началась вторичная усиленная концентрация русских войск на германской восточной границе. Бронированные1 и парашютные части перебрасывались во все возрастающем числе непосредственно к германской границе.
Германская армия и страна знают, что еще несколько недель тому назад на нашей восточной границе не находилось ни одной танковой или моторизованной дивизии. Однако, если требовалось последнее доказательство, несмотря на все диверсии и маскировку, для подтверждения наличия тем временем создавшейся коалиции между Англией и Советской Россией, то оно было представлено югославским конфликтом В то время, как я старался сделать последнюю попытку умиротворения Балкан и в дружеском сотрудничестве с Дуче пригласил Югославию присоединиться к Пакту трех держав, Англия и Советская Россия в совместной работе организовали путч, который в одну ночь устранил тогдашнее правительство, склонное к взаимопониманию. Теперь может быть сообщено германскому народу, что сербский государственный переворот, направленный против Германии, произошел не только под знаком английской, но главным образом под знаком советской агитации. Так как мы и тут хранили молчание, советское правительство предприняло еще один шаг. Оно не только организовало путч, но несколько дней спустя заключило всем известное дружеское соглашение с подвластными ему новыми "людьми"2 с целью укрепить сербов в их оппозиции против умиротворения Балкан и возбудить их против Германии. В немецком оригинале — «Panzerverbaende» — Panzerbrigade, Panzerdivison S. Здесь и далее по тексту — «танковые соединения, танковые бригады, танковые дивизии». В немецком оригинале «с новыми ставленниками» — «mil den ihr ergebenen neuen Kreatur» S. И это не было платоническим намерением: Москва потребовала мобилизации сербской армии. Так как и теперь я все еще считал лучшим не говорить, власть имущие Кремля сделали еще один шаг вперед: Германское правительство имеет теперь документы, которые доказывают, что с целью окончательно завлечь Сербию в борьбу Россия обещала поставлять через Салоники оружие, самолеты, боеприпасы и прочий военный материал для борьбы против Германии.
И это происходило почти в тот самый момент, когда я сам дал совет японскому министру иностранных дел д-ру Мацуоке примириться с Россией в надежде послужить этим делу мира. Только быстрый прорыв наших несравненных дивизий в Скопье, а также занятие Салоник, помешали намерениям этого советско-англо-саксонского комплота.
Меня потрясло не то, что ты меня обманываешь, а то, что я тебе больше не верю. Тот, у кого нет двух третей времени на себя, — раб. Тот, у кого есть «Зачем» жить, вынесет любое «Как». То, что делается из любви, всегда находится по ту сторону добра и зла. Фридрих Ницше Dem wird befohlen, der sich nicht selber gehorchen kann.
Приказывают тому, кто сам себе не умеет повиноваться. Надежда — это радуга над падающим вниз ручейком жизни. Фридрих Ницше Weltkind немец. Без музыки жизнь была бы глупостью. Иметь фантазию — не значит что-то выдумывать; это значит, делать что-то новое из вещей. Религия — это благоговение — в первую очередь перед тайной, которую представляет собой человек. Пауль Томас Манн Wenn man jemandem alles verziehen hat, ist man mit ihm fertig.
Если ты простил человеку все, значит с ним покончено. В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в смысле и ценности жизни, он болен. Зигмунд Фрейд Wir streben mehr danach, Schmerz zu vermeiden als Freude zu gewinnen. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны. Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Иммануил Кант Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen.
Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум. Нужно думать, как единицы, и говорить, как большинство.
Пауль Томас Манн Wenn man jemandem alles verziehen hat, ist man mit ihm fertig. Если ты простил человеку все, значит с ним покончено. В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в и ценности , он болен. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость.
Sie konnen schwimmen. Heinz Ruhmann Проблемы не тонут в алкоголе. Они умеют плавать. Хайнц Рюман Wer immer tut, was er schon kann, bleibt immer das, was er schon ist. Henry Ford Кто всегда делает то, что он уже умеет, остаётся всегда тем, кем он уже является. Генри Форд Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen.
Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум. Постоянны только изменения. Die Freunde nennen sich aufrichtig.