Alternately loved and reviled, Eugene Victor Debs was a passionate labor leader, a progressive political figure, and a formidable speaker in a time of great change in the United States. Eugene Debs, at center with flowers, who was serving a prison sentence for violating the Espionage Act, on the day he was notified of his nomination for the presidency on the socialist ticket by a.
News doesn't exist
As civil war hashtags are trending on social media and Trump is backed into a corner, desperate to find a distraction, let’s remember the wise words of legendary American socialist Eugene Victor Debs at. Набрав 6 процентов голосов на президентских выборах 1912 года, Юджин Дебс нарушил новые национальные законы о борьбе с подстрекательством к мятежу. A graphic biography about Eugene V. Debs, folk hero and presidential candidate, reminds us of a time when support for socialism was strong in places like Kansas, Oklahoma, and Ohio. For decades, many of Eugene Debs’s admirers have claimed that the socialist leader was a good, patriotic American unsullied by a foreign doctrine like Marxism.
Премия Юджина В. Дебса
В 1920 году Дебс был выдвинут снова, в этот раз находясь в заключении, и показал примерно такие же результаты, что и на выборах в 1912 году. После 1921 года, Дебс отходит от активной политики и сосредостачивается на агитационной деятельности в пользу социализма. Вплоть до своей смерти, Дебс путешествует по Америке, устраивая лекции при поддержке своего брата Теодора Дебса. На покрытие этих и других расходов у Дебса часто уходили все его сбережения. В пору кризиса, для покрытия долгов профсоюзных организаций Дебсу приходилось брать кредит на своё имя.
Sixty had been injured. Over 700 had been arrested.
The Pullman Co. Any advances made by an organized working class would be reversed once the capitalists regained absolute power, often by temporarily mollifying workers with a few reforms. Debs feared the rise of the monolithic corporate state. Walter Rauschenbusch, a Christian theologian, Baptist minister and leader of the Social Gospel movement , thundered against capitalism. He equated the crucified Christ with the abolitionist John Brown. That wrong is also done to us, And they are slaves most base, Whose love of right is for themselves And not for all the race.
It was also a period beset with violence, including anarchist bombings and assassinations. An anarchist killed President William McKinley in 1901, unleashing a wave of state repression against social and radical movements. Striking workers engaged in periodic gun battles, especially in the coalfields of southern West Virginia, with heavily armed company goons, National Guard units, paramilitary groups such as the Coal and Iron Police , and the U. Debs, although a sworn enemy of the capitalist elites, was adamantly opposed to violence and sabotage, arguing that these actions allowed the state to demonize the socialist movement and enabled the destructive efforts of agents provocateurs. The conflict with the capitalist class, Debs argued, was at its core about competing values. They would always seek to use the law as an instrument of oppression and increase profits through machines, a reduction in wages, a denial of benefits and union busting.
They would sacrifice anyone and anything—including democracy and the natural world—to achieve their goals. He knew that corporate power is countered only through organized and collective resistance by workers forced to fight a bitter class war. Debs turned to politics when he was released from jail in 1895. Debs was a powerful orator and drew huge crowds across the country. In his speeches and writings he demanded an end to child labor and denounced Jim Crow and lynching. As a presidential campaigner he traveled from New York to California on a train, called the Red Special, speaking to tens of thousands.
He helped elect socialist mayors in some 70 cities, including Milwaukee, as well as numerous legislators and city council members. He propelled two socialists into Congress. In the elections of 1912 he received nearly a million votes, 6 percent of the electorate. Eighteen thousand people went to see him in Philadelphia and 22,000 in New York City. He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists. Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man.
At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press. But it did not fail.
Try logically disproving solipsism or the matrix. Good luck! Your failure to answer followup questions digging into your claims is the most notable fact so far. Your ideas fail when really examined. I have read more than one biography of Rand. The events you list did not necessarily happen in the way you describe. Workers taking businesses from the bourgeoisie is the right thing to do.
It is my hope that American workers rise up and seize the businesses of the bosses and that the government seizes the bank accounts of those bosses. Ayn Rand called that looting. I am in favor of such looting. Robert K Stock on April 4, 2023 at 3:25 am said: I am not writing a book. I am not writing a dissertation. I am not giving a public address. If I were then I would need to provide sources. What we are doing is having a conversation as if we are at a kitchen table drinking coffee. Follow up questions?
Cite sources? Hell no! I think you are one of the many pseudonyms used on this site. MaxZim V Zaslon on April 4, 2023 at 3:37 am said: Bubs, if you think you have no faith, why is it that you have so much faith that I am some boogeyman of yours? You seem quite convinced. You are advancing something just a technical hair short of a positive claim. Provide your evidence. Read about biofeedback loops and the power of positive thinking. Whatcha know about that?
I know all about that! White Supremacist — check. Christian — check. Russian Orthodox Church. Taliban — to the extent this Islamic concept even translates into Christianity at all, it means religious student. Fair enough, I am an amateur self taught student of theology, among many other topics. Republicans are my favorite US major party. Government should be far more local than that, other than military national defense, which has nothing to do with political parties, or at the very least ought not to.
Но враждебность к королевской власти — лишь малая часть гораздо более богатой республиканской философии, уходящей корнями в древний мир. Республиканцы выступают за свободу граждан, которые могут объединиться для достижения общего блага.
Подчинение чьему-либо произволу они признают великим злом. У того, кто вынужден полагаться только на добрую волю, нет свободы, даже если с ним хорошо обращаются. Такой человек действует лишь по благоволению другого. Таково унизительное положение крепостных и подданных абсолютных монархов, какими бы добрыми и просвещёнными ни были их хозяева. Свобода гражданина всегда была драгоценна для республиканцев. Но определение этого гражданства могло быть таким узким, что в нём не было места для женщин, бедняков или тех, кто не принадлежит к правящей расовой касте. Таким образом, к радости своих коллег-критиков взрослеющей американской республики Сэмюэл Джонсон смог задать вопрос: «Почему громче всех о свободе орут надсмотрщики за неграми? С самого начала своей карьеры в качестве профсоюзного организатора он даже заявлял, что борется с «нарушениями прав, которые принимают некоторые формы рабства». Опираясь на идеи, уходящие корнями в классицизм, он предупреждал о безотчётной власти монархов и на то были веские причины, учитывая, что его самого впоследствии обезглавят за государственную измену. Сочинения Сидни окрестили «учебником революции», и, отчасти благодаря его влиянию, мы видим, что создатели Конституции США, такие как Александр Гамильтон, проводят различие между свободой и состоянием рабства, в котором кто-то «управляется волей другого».
Сама возможность неограниченного британского налогообложения без представительства в парламенте, казалось бы, отвечала всем требованиям. Но ни Сидней, ни Гамильтон не стали бы бороться с тяжёлым положением слуг и наёмных рабочих в условиях той республики. Дебс обратил звонкоголосый язык республиканской политической мысли против боссов и всей системы, которая поддерживала их власть. Подобно республиканцам прошлого, он предупреждал о фатальной зависимости от произвола других. Но вместо того, чтобы нападать на безграничную власть короля или заморского законодательного органа, он адаптировал этот анализ к условиям быстро индустриализирующейся капиталистической экономики. Не могло быть политического равенства, когда рабочие зависели от капиталистов, владевших ресурсами, инструментами и машинами, необходимыми для зарабатывания на жизнь. Дебс пришёл к выводу, что: «Ни один человек не свободен в каком-либо справедливом смысле, если ему приходится полагаться на произвол другого ради возможности работать». Но эта несвобода была реальностью для большинства трудящихся, которые работали и, следовательно, жили с разрешения начальства. Ключевым моментом того, как Дебс понимал работу при капитализме, был контроль. Длительный рабочий день, небезопасные условия и изнурительный характер большей части этого труда не остались для него незамеченными.
Как бывший кочегар локомотива, которому приходилось кидать лопатой уголь в топку паровоза, Дебс знал, что такое изнурительная работа. Он также не питал никаких иллюзий по поводу ужасных условий на заводах, фабриках, в шахтах и на фермах, где рабочие изо дня в день горбатились за скудное вознаграждение. Но недовольство Дебса было более фундаментальным, чем неудовольствие от плохих условий труда или даже низкой заработной платы — оно метило в отсутствие свободы в самом сердце экономики. Республиканцы хотят устранить произвол власти, а не доверять её мудрым и добрым правителям. В этом духе Цицерон заметил, что «свобода состоит не в том, чтобы иметь справедливого господина, а в том, чтобы не иметь его». Сидни прибавил: «Раб тот, кто служит самому лучшему и благородному человеку в мире, а также тот, кто служит худшему; и он действительно служит ему, если тот должен подчиняться его приказам, и зависит от его воли». Дебс видел, что в таком положении оказались те рабочие, которые отчаянно нуждались в заработной плате и не могли противостоять жёсткой дисциплине работодателей, которая шла с ней впридачу. Такой жизнью одни жили под властью других, чьей благосклонностью или неудовольствием определялось, будет ли в семье еда и крыша над головой. Находиться под каблуком класса, который видит, что вы умираете от голода — имея много хозяев, а не одного владельца — значит испытать, хотя бы в некоторой степени, характерную несвободу раба. Если целью была свобода, то решением для такой уязвимости не могли стать более любезные начальники, полные отцовской любви к своим работникам.
Вместо этого контроль должен принадлежать гражданам, а не плутократам и их приспешникам. Это убеждение привело Дебса к социализму, который стремится обеспечить экономическую свободу для всех. Под конец жизни, снова оказавшись в зале суда, он выдвинул такое социалистическое требование: Всё то, что нужно всем и используется всеми, должно быть в совместном владении — промышленность, как основа общественной жизни, вместо того, чтобы находиться в частной собственности у небольшой группы лиц и использоваться для их обогащения, должна быть общей собственностью всех, и управляться демократически в интересах всех. Этот вывод не был результатом ветренного энтузиазма юности или жизни, прошедшей в беспристрастных научных исследованиях. Он был выстрадан в неустанной борьбе в поддержку рабочих, которых пережёвывала и выплёвывала капиталистическая экономика и против плутократов, которых она обогатила. Время, проведённое Эбсом в тюрьме округа МакГенри, стало переломным моментом в развитии его политической мысли. Столкнувшись с объединённой властью промышленников, правительства и судебной системы, и в конечном итоге оказавшись за свои старания в тюрьме, Дебс ещё серьёзнее задумался о том, какое общество позволит людям быть свободными. То, что его ответом был социализм, может нас удивить. Возможно, социалистическое общество будет более равным, возможно, даже более справедливым, но зачем думать, что оно будет более свободным?
Победитель
Eugene Victor Debs, by far the best known U.S. rail union leader, was born in Terre Haute, IN November 5, 1855. Labor leader, socialist, and five-time presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs (1855–1926) had a twofold relationship with the First Amendment. Официальный сервер YouTube канала EugeneSagaz. | 11989 members. This day in 1919, Socialist leader Eugene V Debs is sent to prison for violating the Espionage Act in his opposition to WWI.
Can Trump Pull A Eugene Debs In 2024 After Indictment In Classified Documents Case?
Eugene Debs was born in Terre Haute, Indiana on November 5, 1855, to the family of French immigrants from Alsace, Jean Daniel and Marguerite Mari Bettrich Debs. Новости на Google News. Labor leader, socialist, and five-time presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs (1855–1926) had a twofold relationship with the First Amendment. Eugene Debs was born in Terre Haute, Indiana on November 5, 1855, to the family of French immigrants from Alsace, Jean Daniel and Marguerite Mari Bettrich Debs. О проекте. Новости.
Дебс, Юджин
Следить за ходом соревнования можно в репортаже. Трешток на сцене:.
In less than three weeks time, the union had emerged victorious, winning nearly all of its demands. The power of industrial unionism had been demonstrated!
The carriers — and corporate America as a whole -- were determined to smash the ARU because it presented a formidable opponent, a valuable example of what can be achieved when workers organize along industrial lines. Around the turn of the century, together with other labor and populist political leaders, he founded the Socialist Party of America. He also ran for President of the United States five times, once receiving nearly a million votes as a federal prisoner in the Atlanta Penitentiary. On June 16 1918 , after nearly a half century of union and political organizing — now in his 60s -- Debs gave a speech in Canton, Ohio in opposition to World War I.
He was arrested under the Espionage Act of 1917.
В то же время пресса критиковала стачечников, называла Дебса диктатором, преследующим личную выгоду [6]. До суда его освободили под залог. В это время он выступает на митингах, призывая рабочих вести последовательную борьбу против капиталистов. Первую треть своей жизни Юджин Дебс посвятил созданию и расширению профсоюзного движения. Стремился к объединению многочисленных рабочих профсоюзов в один сильный глобальный профсоюз. Но его замыслам было не суждено сбыться. После провала « Пульмановской забастовки » — самой массовой забастовки того времени, Дебса заключают в тюрьму на шесть месяцев. На суде его защищал известный адвокат Кларенс Дэрроу , уйдя с должности корпоративного юриста на Северо-западной железной дороге, чтобы солидаризироваться с делом Юджина Дебса. Дэрроу а также один из лидеров американских социал-демократов Виктор Бергер и побудил Дебса ознакомиться с социалистическим учением.
Именно в тюрьме, читая труды социалистов в частности, Эдварда Беллами , Роберта Блэтчфорда , Карла Каутского и Карла Маркса , Дебс начинает приходить к мысли, что сам по себе профсоюз, не имеющий политической поддержки, не может эффективно помочь рабочим в их борьбе за улучшение условий труда. Являясь одним из организаторов-учредителей вначале Социал-демократической, а потом Социалистической партии США, Дебс много путешествует по стране с целью проведения лекций на темы социализма. Агитация Юджина Дебса и его кандидата в вице-президенты Эмиля Зайделя В 1904, 1908, 1912 и 1920 годы Юджин Дебс выдвигается кандидатом от Социалистической партии Америки для участия в избирательной кампании на пост президента США. В 1904 году за кандидата Дебса проголосовало всего около 20 тысяч избирателей. В 1908 году Дебс получил уже около 500 тысяч голосов. После 1921 года Дебс отходит от активной политики и сосредотачивается на агитационной деятельности в пользу социализма. Вплоть до своей смерти, Дебс путешествует по Америке, устраивая лекции при поддержке своего брата Теодора Дебса. В течение своей жизни, Дебс часто нуждался в деньгах, для себя, организаций, основателем которых являлся, а также для поддержки партийных газет и журналов, редактором которых был он или его брат. На покрытие этих и других расходов у Дебса часто уходили все его сбережения. В пору кризиса для покрытия долгов профсоюзных организаций Дебсу приходилось брать кредит на своё имя.
Высказывания Дебса[ править править код ] «Пока существует низший класс — я к нему отношусь, пока есть преступники — я один из них, пока хоть одна душа томится в тюрьме — я не свободен».
During a second stint in prison, he became the first person to run for president while in prison. Known for his role in the Industrial Workers of the World, as well as in the Socialist Party of America, Debs has been heralded as "probably the most effective and popular leader that the American working class has ever had," as Bernie Sanders described him in 1979. Whether or not Debs was effective is still up for debate among historians , but his popularity while active is undeniable. And while being unwaveringly against reform and advocating for a total abolition of the capitalist system , Debs spent his life expanding his thinking. He was not only radical, but willing to change his mind as he learned and grew. When Debs died in 1926, Time described him as "a broken prophet.
Many of the ideas he spent his life advocating for were by then absorbed into the mainstream. This is the untold truth of Eugene V. Eugene V. With this, Debs was able to enjoy "a middle-class life of hunting and fishing," and briefly attend a private school before going to a public school. When Debs was 14, he dropped out of school and started working at the Vandalia Railroad. Paid 50 cents per day, his job was scraping grease and paint off of the train cars. Within a year, he was promoted to fireman, and given the task of shovelling coal into the fireboxes.
According to the Debs Foundation , he also attended night classes at a local business school. But, according to the New Yorker , Debs lost his job during the Panic of 1873. This led him to move to East St. Louis as he looked for work, but within two years, Debs returned to Terre Haute. Debs joined the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and helped create the Terre Haute local chapter in 1875. According to " Eugene V. By 1880, Debs was made editor-in-chief.
That year, he was also made national secretary-treasurer of the union. Finding Dulcinea reports that Debs also dipped his toes into public politics.
Track Listing
- This Day in Esoteric Political History: Eugene Debs: Lock Him Up (1919) on Apple Podcasts
- Eugene Debs, the Espionage Act, and the Election of 1920 - HeinOnline Blog
- Комментарии
- Important Links
Eugene V. Debs Biography, Life, Interesting Facts
I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood. In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men. In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: it cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity. I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all.
This order of things cannot always endure. I have registered my protest against it. I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone.
There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth. There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause.
They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order. They are waiting, watching, and working hopefully through all the hours of the day and the night. They are still in a minority.
But they have learned how to be patient and to bide their time. The feel—they know, indeed—that the time is coming, in spite of all opposition, all persecution, when this emancipating gospel will spread among all the peoples, and when this minority will become the triumphant majority and, sweeping into power, inaugurate the greatest social and economic change in history. In that day we shall have the universal commonwealth—the harmonious cooperation of every nation with every other nation on earth.
I realize that finally the right must prevail. I never so clearly comprehended as now the great struggle between the powers of greed and exploitation on the one hand and upon the other the rising hosts of industrial freedom and social justice. I can see the dawn of the better day for humanity.
The people are awakening. In due time they will and must come to their own. When the mariner, sailing over tropic seas, looks for relief from his weary watch, he turns his eyes toward the southern cross, burning luridly above the tempest-vexed ocean.
As the midnight approaches, the southern cross begins to bend, the whirling worlds change their places, and with starry finger-points the Almighty marks the passage of time upon the dial of the universe, and though no bell may beat the glad tidings, the lookout knows that the midnight is passing and that relief and rest are close at hand. Let the people everywhere take heart of hope, for the cross is bending, the midnight is passing, and joy cometh with the morning. His citizenship was not restored until five decades after his 1926 death.
The labor movement and socialist party he had struggled to build had been ruthlessly crushed, often through violent attacks orchestrated by the state and corporations and mass arrests and deportations carried out during the Palmer Raids in November 1919 and January 1920. The government had shut down socialist publications, such as Appeal to Reason and The Masses. The breakdown of capitalism saw a short-lived revival of organized labor during the 1930s, often led by the Communist Party, and during a short period after World War II, and this resurgence triggered yet another prolonged assault by the capitalist class.
Debs was initially reluctant to support the strike due to his concerns over its potential risks and wherever the ARU had the capability to support it. Nevertheless, the strike went ahead anyway beginning on May 11, as union workers refused to handle Pullman train cars or any cars attached to them. Debs decided to support the strike, as thousands of rail workers across the country staged walk-outs in process.
In response, the federal government ordered a military crackdown in July, on the rationale that strikers had disrupted US Mail services distributed via Pullman cars. By the end of the strike on July 20, thirty workers had been killed. While in prison, Debs would recieve letters and reading material via mail from across the country.
At the time of his sentencing, he still did not consider himself a socialist, but after reading material written by socialist authors such as Edward Bellamy and Karl Kautsky, he began to learn more and gradually converted to socialism. He was even visited in prison in person by Victor L.
Debs fell short once again, but his total ballooned to more than 900,000 votes —6 percent of the popular vote. It would be another eight years before his fifth and final presidential campaign—arguably one of the strangest the country has seen. The profit system is responsible for it all. Debs traveled across the Northeast to speak to his base of frustrated workers looking for a unifying voice against war. On April 6, 1917, the United States officially declared war against Germany. Debs knew the risks he was taking with his anti-war crusade, but he continued throughout the Midwest, culminating in a speech at a Socialist Party gathering in Canton, Ohio, on June 16, 1918. For two hours, the impassioned orator made his case, criticizing everything from the war to the Sedition Act to the military draft. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and all to lose—especially their lives.
The jury found him guilty on three counts of violating the Espionage and Sedition acts. On September 18, 1918, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison.
За эту речь и другие антивоенные выступления 30 июня Дебс был арестован и отправлен в тюрьму. Он был обвинён по 10 пунктам в деятельности, направленной на свержение правительства и законного порядка.
Джо Байден
As a Socialist Party candidate, Debs ran for president five times in the early 1900s, twice gaining over 900,000 votes. Владелец сайта предпочёл скрыть описание страницы. Новости на Google News. Eugene Victor Debs left school at the age of fourteen, to scrape paint and grease off the cars of the Vandalia Railroad, in Indiana, for fifty cents a day. Eugene Debs: The Mission of Socialism is Wide as the World. Eugene Victor Debs, by far the best known U.S. rail union leader, was born in Terre Haute, IN November 5, 1855.
The Untold Truth Of Eugene V. Debs
Джо Байден сегодня — Байден назвал США самой важной страной. Сенатор США Скотт заявил о недоверии американцев администрации Байдена. Юджин Дебс умер в октябре 1926 года, до последнего уверенный в том, что социалистическая революция может быть задержана, но неизбежно произойдет. Enter, from stage left, the ghost of Eugene V. Debs, the most impressive socialist in American history, whose conviction for sedition was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1919. Their leader Eugene Debs, who actually ran for President more often than Joe Biden, summed up his view of the world in saying. According to "Eugene V. Debs: an American paradox," Debs soon split with the IWW "in protest against its policies regarding the use of sabotage and ”direct action.'".
Вы точно человек?
This led many observers to conclude that his time had passed and some rival would likely capture the Republican nomination in the 2024 primaries. With such exciting new topics, the endless Trump Political Reality show had suddenly returned as popular entertainment, regaining the very high ratings it had previously enjoyed. Trump once again became the great hero of his populist Republican supporters, with recent polls showing he was drawing far more support in the 2024 primaries than all his Republican rivals combined. Indeed, some cynical observers even suggested that this outcome might have been intentional.
Perhaps the Democrats regarded Trump as the weakest Republican candidate they might face in 2024, and sought to ensure his renomination. Such a deeply Machiavellian strategy might be possible, but all of these various prosecutions and trials will surely keep Trump at the top of the news cycle from now until November 2024, whether Election Day finds him still on trial or already serving time behind bars. As of a week ago, Trump had already been facing 71 separate state and federal felony indictments.
Then he was struck by the weightiest federal charge of all, accusing him of organizing a conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election results. These days American society is deeply polarized and most of the charges against Trump will be tried in venues such as DC, Manhattan, and Atlanta where the jury-pools are sure to be heavily larded with Trump-haters. With so many dozens of serious charges against him, our 45th President seems likely to end up behind bars.
These latest indictments finally moved longtime progressive columnist and cartoonist Ted Rall into that same camp of outright Trump sympathizers. The massive vilification of Trump in such quarters indicates that those elites fear Trump as their most dangerous foe, so many voters may eventually conclude that the enemy of their enemy is at least worth a casual vote on the November ballot. But although countless American candidates throughout our history have bitterly complained about stolen elections and sometimes contested the outcomes, our rabidly partisan Democratic prosecutors have now decided to treat that behavior as a crime, apparently hoping to destroy their Trumpian nemesis using the power of the courts.
This judicial innovation may be unique in the developed world and seems extremely rare even outside it. Rather than being prosecuted and imprisoned, AMLO eventually gave up on his unofficial presidency and after creating a new party as his vehicle, ran for president a third time in 2018, winning in a huge landslide despite any election fraud. Fortunately for AMLO, his protests of a stolen election had occurred in 2006, long before Trump entered the scene, so any attempt by his own government to prosecute and imprison him would have surely been denounced and ridiculed by the American establishment as an outrageous violation of basic democratic principles.
But these days, the globally-dominant and Trump-hating American media plays a very different tune, so the precedent of prosecuting a losing candidate for protesting alleged election fraud may soon spread worldwide.
В декабре 1871 года, когда пьяный локомотивный пожарный не явился на работу, Дебс был задействован в качестве ночного пожарного. Он решил остаться пожарным в течение следующих трех с половиной лет. В июле 1875 года Дебс уехала работать в оптовый продуктовый магазин, где он оставался в течение четырех лет, посещая местную бизнес-школу по ночам. Дебслась присоединилась к Братству локомотивных пожарных BLF в феврале 1875 года и сталаактивной в организации.
В 1877 году он служил делегатом ложи Терре Хот на национальной съезде организации. Два года спустя он был назначен великим секретарем и казначеем BLF и редактором журнала в июле 1880 года. Он работал в качестве функционера BLF до января 1893 года. В то же время он стал заметной фигурой в обществе. Онпроработал два срока в качестве городского клерка Terre Haute с сентября 1879 года по сентябрь 1883 года.
Осенью 1884 года он был избранным в Генеральная ассамблею штата Индиана как демократ на один срок.. Брак и семья Дебс вышла замуж за Кейт Метцель 9 июня 1885 года. Их дом до сих пор находится в Терре-Хот, на территории кампуса штата Индиана. Лейбористский активизм Железнодорожные братства были сравнительноконсервативными организациями, предоставленными предоставлением стипендий и услуг, а не на ведении коллективных переговоров. Их девизом было «Доброжелательность, трезвость и трудолюбие».
Как редактор официального журнала Братства локомотивных пожарных, Дебс изначально сосредоточен на улучшении программного обеспечения Братства на случай смерти и инвалидности. В начале 1880-х годов в работах Дебса подчеркиваются темы самовозвышения: умеренность , трудолюбие и честность.
On June 16 1918 , after nearly a half century of union and political organizing — now in his 60s -- Debs gave a speech in Canton, Ohio in opposition to World War I. He was arrested under the Espionage Act of 1917. He was convicted, sentenced to serve ten years in prison and disenfranchised for life. Once again, the Supreme Court upheld his conviction.
He was pardoned and released on Christmas Day, 1921 by President Harding at age 65. While his health was broken, his spirit and optimism remained indomitable. He remained an outspoken advocate for the cause of labor and the working class.
The press at the time turned on Debs, too, claiming the strike he organized around the Pullman situation was a power grab. Constitution [ PDF ]. President Cleveland deployed troops to Chicago to quell the ongoing demonstrations, but on July 7, the conflicts turned violent. Members of the National Guard killed anywhere from four to 30 strikers in the clash. Debs, who was no longer legally allowed to communicate with his members, could do nothing to calm tensions.
That same month, Debs was arrested and charged with contempt of court and conspiracy to interfere with U. The ARU crumbled soon after, and while many Pullman workers were eventually rehired, they had to agree in writing to never form a union. In 1897 , two years after leaving prison, he established the Social Democratic Party of America. William McKinley won the race with a total of 7,207,923 votes, while Debs garnered just 86,935. Still, it was a start.