В национал-социалистическом контексте фраза Meine Ehre heißt Treue относится к заявлению Адольфа Гитлера после восстания Стеннеса, инцидента между берлинским штурмовым отрядом (SA) и Шуцштаффелем (SS). text of Hitler s. Речь рейхсканцлера А. Гитлера в Рейхстаге 1 сентября 1939
Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941
Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”. Журналистка немецкого телеканала опозорилась на весь мир, использовав термин, который был в ходу во времена Гитлера. Пользователь Микола Довгенький задал вопрос в категории Лингвистика и получил на него 2 ответа. September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt.
"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus
The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions. The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence. In general, everything in Germany seemed now to be dead. But I took that over. It was no bright heritage, but I looked upon it as an honor to take over something not at the moment when it is flourishing, but to take it over at the moment when others say: "Everything is already ruined. Everyone can, of course? It was altogether clear to me that? I would have been beaten to death, I dared and I won.
I began to stabilize the German currency by relentless pressure from above. I began, however, to stabilize it so... German production... All that is easy to tell today, but it was not so easy then, for if it had been so easy, why did my opponents not do it? I immediately began with the repression of all the foreign elements in Germany; I mean our cosmopolites. I began also at this time to bring individual provinces into the Reich. Instead of numberless economic organizations a combination of all in one single bureau. At first, of course, everyone complained whose interests were thereby threatened.
But one thing no one can dispute, from either the right or left: In the end everything went better than before. For one thing, my comrades, you must all admit, wherever you come from: Everywhere today you see works of peace which we could no longer continue on account of war. Everywhere you see great buildings, schools, housing projects, which the war has kept us from carrying on. Before I entered upon this war, I had begun a gigantic program of social, economic, cultural work, in part already completed. But everywhere I had in mind new plans, new projects. When, on the other hand, I look at my opponents, what have they really done, now? They could rush easily enough into war. War did not rob them of a peaceful state, for they have accomplished nothing.
This prattler, this drink-bold Churchill, what has he in reality accomplished in his life? This perfidious fellow is a lazybones of the first order. If this war had not come, the centuries would have spoken of our generation and also of all of us and also of myself as the creator of great works of peace. But if this war had not come, who would speak of Churchill? Now he will one day be spoken of, to be sure, but as the destroyer of an empire, which he and now we destroyed. One of the most pitiful phrase-mongering natures of world history, incapable of creating anything, of accomplishing anything, or of performing creative acts, capable only of destroying. Of his accomplice in the White House I would rather not speak at all, moreover-a wretched madman. To be sure, the more we worked, the more we put Germany in order, the greater grew the hatred, unfortunately.
For now there came something in addition. Now came the stupid hatred of the social strata abroad, who believed that the German model, the socialistic German model, could break in on them also, circumstances permitting. I have often heard that those in other countries said themselves: "Well, you know,... I do not even demand at all that they should be carried out. On the contrary, I am not here to concern myself with the happiness of other peoples, but I feel myself responsible exclusively for my own people. That is what I work for. To my sleepless nights I will not add a single one for other lands. Why not?
That only spoils our working class. They do not perceive that the German workingman has worked more than ever before; why should he not then recover? Is it not above all a joke when that man from the White House says: "We have a World Program and this World Program will give mankind freedom and the right to labor. Roosevelt, open your eyes, we have had that in Germany for a long time already. Or when he says that care will be taken of illness. Go and look at the battle-cry of our party program that is National Socialistic, not its doctrine, my dear sir, those are high ideas like those of a Democrat. Or when he says: "We wish to raise the standard of prosperity, even for the masses. Those are prominent things in our program.
For we have also done that without a war. You have a war! No, this capitalistic babble does not even think of doing such a thing. They see in us only the bad example, and in order to tempt their own people, they must meddle in our party program and there snatch out single sentences, these pitiful blunders, and even then they do it badly. We have had a united world against us here, naturally, not only from the right but also from the left, as those on the left say to us, "If that succeeds; this experiment, it actually creates, it brings it about, that it does away with homelessness. It makes it ready and establishes a school system whereby every talented youngster, irrespective of what kind of position. He completes it and makes a lawyer out of a former farm worker. He completed it.
Why, we live by the fact that that does not exist. We do live by that. War, then, against this National Socialism. We have now been at the helm for nine years. This struggle will render the verdict, if this Russia is compared with Germany. What have we created in nine years, what is the aspect of the German people, and what has been created there? I do not even want to talk about the capitalist states, they are not at all concerned about their unemployed for that reason? To the American millionaire the unemployed person is something natural, something he does not have to see at all, since he does not go to the neighborhoods where they are, and they do not come to the neighborhood where he sits; they under-took a hunger march on Washington, to be sure, to the White House or to the Capitol, but they are dispersed somewhere by the police before they can do it with rubber truncheons and tear gas, and so on, all of them things which do not exist in autocratic Germany.
We have not used these measures against our people at all, we manage without rubber truncheons and without these things, without tear gas. We are resolute in our renunciation of them, while in the case of the enemy it is understood that at the moment of taking power they increased it... You know them already from my fighting period. I travel with three countries, their... Every attempt to come to an understanding with England was altogether to no purpose. Here there were people... They saw in Germany an enemy, and that the world had changed essentially since the time of their great Queen Victoria, that people did not know at all that Germany never threatened England but that this England could be maintained only when she had found a close cooperation with Europe. This they did not realize.
On the contrary, they fought on every occasion against Europe. It is quite interesting as they themselves, when a man, who is really a man, arrives, he is thrown out immediately? These are unbreakable eggs. Wherever they step they remain somewhere again, among enemies. On the whole they have been in the cold too long. They have already spoken of the breaking up of the German Reich by next September, and with the help of this advance prophesy, and we say that the war will not end as the Jews imagine it will, namely, with the uprooting of the Aryans, but the result of this war will be the complete annihilation of the Jews. And the further this war spreads, the farther will spread this fight against the world of the... I was more fortunate with the second state, with which I found some relationship.
That is actually no wonder. However, it would be a real wonder, if it were otherwise. Because, already-as I said today in a... A hundred years ago, Germany fought its way to a renaissance as a state, and its independence as a state, and Italy was fighting for its national united... Then these two states separated, and both nations fought without success and then came the... Both Revolutions had about the same course; each one had severe setbacks, but finally won the fight. Both nations brought about... Both nations concerned people who could not find their daily bread on their own soil.
Both nations found themselves one day standing opposite the same people, without wanting to, against the same international union, as already had occurred in 1935, when England suddenly turned against Italy, without any sort of preliminary warning; Italy had taken nothing from England, therefore it was for the reason that: "We do not wish Italy to have its free right to life," just as it was, with Germany, for the reason that: "We do not wish Germany to have its free right to life. What do we want from England? I offered each of them peace, more, I want to offer friendship. On the other side an old freemason, who only believes in a war, to be able to salvage his bankrupt economy, perhaps, or at least to gain time. Thus both states again stand face to face with the same foe... And then, in addition, there is still a third thing-I have mentioned it today also: in both cases they are men, two men, who have come from the people... In the last few weeks... I have read about the history of the Italian Fascist Revolution, and it seemed to me as if I had the history of my own party before me, so similar, so identical, that...
And now finally the third state has joined us, another state with which we have always wanted to have good relations for the past many years. You all know it from "Mein Kampf"-Japan. Now the three great Have-Nots are united, and now we shall see who... For, what does England want to gain? What does America want to gain? What do they want to gain? They have so much that they do not know what to do with what they have. A few persons per square kilometer need much more for all the cares which we are not the ones to have.
A single poor harvest means for our national decades plundered, exploited, crushed, and in spite of that they could not eliminate their own economic need. They have raw materials, as much as they are willing to use, and they do not complete it, with their problems actually to found something reasonable in society, to the one who has everything and the one who wants to take from the other fellow who has hardly anything practically the last thing he owns, or to the one who defends that which he honors as his last possession. Pray to God that he must send Bolshevism over Europe as a scourge. We wish only to say, "It will not come over Germany but whether it will come over England is another story. We have never done anything to England, France, we have never done anything to America. Nevertheless there follows now in the year 1939 the declaration of war, and now it has gone further. Now you must however out of my whole history understand me rightly. One sentence unintelligible.
I said: "If the war is inevitable, then I should rather be the one to conduct it not because I thirst after this fame; on the contrary, I here gladly renounce that fame, which is in my eyes no fame at all. My fame, if Providence preserves my life, will consist in... But I think that if Providence has already disposed that I can do what must be done according to the inscrutable will of the Providence, then I can at least just ask Providence to entrust to me the burden of this war, to load it on me. I will beat it! I will shrink from no responsibility; in every hour which... I will take this burden upon me. I will bear every responsibility, just as I have always borne them. It knows that I had endless plans in those years before the war.
It sees everywhere the signs of works begun, and sometimes also the documents of completion. I know that this people trusts me. I am happy to know it.
Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05. Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Это государство переживает сейчас пору своей юности. По прошествии столетий оно достигнет зрелости, и можете быть уверены - ему суждено прожить не одну тысячу лет! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Хотя, лиха беда - начало, можно докатиться и до того, что жизнь какого-нибудь народа перестанет быть его внутренним делом , а окажется в абсолютной зависимости от воли иностранцев и будет полностью определяться внешнеполитической коньюнктурой. Нельзя, однако, сказать, что такое положение является нормальным или желательным. Просто, так может случиться. И тогда самое главное — чтобы этому народу удалось создать предпосылки для изменения такого положения. Именно потому, что мы — националисты, мы уважаем национальные чувства других народов. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24. Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам. Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Неверный путь привел к печальным результатам. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Интервью 05. Самонадеянные попытки примерно «наказать» большой народ путем удаления его с исторической сцены не могут продолжаться вечно, и однажды им непременно будет положен конец. Сколько еще можно всерьез рассчитывать на то, что великая нация будет и далее покорно терпеть подобную несправедливость по отношению к себе? Что значит сиюминутный произвол победителей в сравнении с веками исторического развития? Немецкий народ обязательно вернет себе свое законное место среди европейских народов. Даже - если эти наши права уже были пущены с молотка жалкой кучкой грязных политиков. Эти политики оказались проходящими, а вот Германия останется вечной! Прокламация 05. Вам никогда нас не сломить, не заставить смириться с вашим ярмом! Вам больше не удастся принудить немецкий народ отказаться от его требования равноправия с другими народами! Но — ни в коем случае не лишенными чести! Интервью 16. Никто в мире не имеет права лишать этого великую нацию, и ни у кого не хватит сил долго удерживать ее в таком положении. Речь 23. Я был бы счастлив, если бы этот злосчастный психоз наконец закончился и обе родственные нации смогли бы вновь обрести прежнюю дружбу. Основной принцип, которым руководствуется немецкое правительство в своей внешней политике , заключается в том, что наше отношение к другим странам определяется отнюдь не тем, какого рода конституцию и форму правления избрали для себя народы этих стран. И мы считаем такой уважительный подход само собой разумеющимся. Именно наше правительство, - правительство национальной революции, - считает себя особо расположенным к такой позитивной политике по отношению к Советской России. Борьба же против коммунизма в Германии является нашим внутренним делом, вмешательства в которое извне мы не потерпим никогда. Межгосударственные отношения с другими державами, с которыми нас связывают общие интересы, никак этим не затрагиваются! Речь 14. Эти люди — повсюду, но нигде они не дома. Открытое письмо 14. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Это — не милитаризм, а закон самосохранения. Теперь пора бы и другим, по-прежнему вооруженным, государствам принять на себя и выполнить аналогичные обязательства. Раньше мы были оппозицией, а сегодня под нашим знаменем марширует вся немецкая нация! Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. И это были как раз те самые умники, чье поверхностное знание истории давало им повод иронизировать над нашими попытками. Сии благоразумные господа в лучшем случае удостаивали нас своими глумливо-соболезнующими ухмылками. Обращение 09. Тогда они узнают, что быть национальным социалистом значит не только - производить внешнее впечатление такового. Дело ведь не в коричневой рубашке, партийных собраниях и количестве «кубиков» в петлице. А дело в том, во имя чего бьется ваше сердце! Конечно, от ошибок и заблуждений не застрахован никто, - их просто нужно вовремя устранять. Скверное же поведение обличенного властью … является абсолютно недостойным вождя, не совместимо с национальным социализмом, и в высшей степени отвратительно. Речь 09. Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. Все Движение должно знать, что и в будущем отбор его членов будет производиться по тем же жестким правилам, какие установила для нас в прошлом суровая судьба. Речь 03. Не потому мы четырнадцать лет боролись, что просто желали власти, а для того, чтобы вернуть наш народ к жизни. Борьба и труд во имя народа — только это может нас всех спасти! Для того, чтобы выносить насмешки и издевки, требовалось не меньше гордого мужества, чем героизма и храбрости для того, чтобы защищаться от ежедневной клеветы и травли. Десятки тысяч борцов за национальный социализм были ранены, многие были убиты. Множество наших людей было отправлено в тюрьму, сотни тысяч были выкинуты с работы, либо как-нибудь иначе лишены средств к существованию. Путь указан. И прекратить эту борьбу больше не сможет ни кто и ни что. Порукой тому — наше Движение! Но им не достает энергии.
Зиг хайль! Гитлер приветствует марширующих штурмовиков. Группа нацистских лидеров. Sieg Heil! В качестве официального приветствия был не употребителен.
Война идёт всегда и повсюду. У неё нет начала, нет конца. Война — это сама жизнь. Война — это отправная точка. Бороться я могу лишь за то, что я люблю. Любить могу лишь то, что я уважаю, а уважать лишь то, что я по крайней мере знаю. О нации Нет такой нации, которая не могла бы возродиться. Национальное чувство ни в коем случае не является идентичным с династическим патриотизмом. Мононациональное государство в течение удивительно долгих периодов может переносить режим плохого управления, не погибая при этом. Упрочение немецкой народности предполагает уничтожение Австрии. О человеческих проявлениях Отчаянная борьба за существование, которую ты только что вел сам, зачастую убивает в тебе всякое сострадание к тем, кому выбиться в люди не удалось. Люди бывают склонны приносить жертвы лишь тогда, когда они могут действительно ждать успеха, а не тогда, когда бесцельность этих жертв очевидна. Умный человек всегда отличался от барана именно тем, что мог выслушать все, что угодно, но при этом составить свое независимое мнение. Критика — самовыражение неудачников. Чем грандиознее ложь, тем легче ей готовы поверить. Если говорить неправду достаточно долго, достаточно громко и достаточно часто, люди начнут верить. Рядовые люди скорее верят большой лжи, нежели маленькой. Это соответствует их примитивной душе. Они знают, что в малом они и сами способны солгать, ну а уж очень сильно солгать они, пожалуй, постесняются. Большая ложь даже просто не придет им в голову. Вот почему масса не может себе представить, чтобы и другие были способны на слишком уж чудовищную ложь, на слишком уж бессовестное извращение фактов. Кстати, цитаты про ложь О массах Народ — это бесконечное множество нолей, но стоит к ним прибавить единицу, как оно превращается в большое и значащее число. Только фанатичная толпа легко управляема. Масса больше любит властелина, чем того, кто у нее чего-либо просит. Если вы хотите завоевать любовь народных масс, говорите им самые нелепые и грубые вещи. Об экспансии Границы всех государств являются только результатом политической борьбы. Германия либо будет мировой державой, либо этой страны не будет вовсе. Земной шар — это всего лишь переходящий кубок, который достается чемпиону-победителю. Союз, который не ставит себе целью войну, бессмыслен и бесполезен. Смысл нашей политической борьбы заключается не в завоевании или покорении других народов, но в сохранении и обеспечении нашего собственного народа. О себе Для меня существует две возможности: либо добиться полного осуществления своих планов, либо потерпеть неудачу. Добьюсь — стану одним из величайших в истории, потерплю неудачу — буду осужден, отвергнут и проклят. Я пришёл в этот мир не для того, чтобы сделать людей лучше, а для того, чтобы использовать их слабости. Вы — идиот! Если бы я никогда в моей жизни не был фантазёром, то где были бы вы и где были бы все мы сегодня? О России Конец еврейского господства в России будет также концом России как государства.
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком
Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера про евреев. По одной из них, данная фраза была в письме Гитлера главе берлинского отделения СС Курту Далюге. О сервисе Прессе Авторские права Связаться с нами Авторам Рекламодателям Разработчикам. This list is incomplete; you can help by adding missing items. (February 2011).
Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат)
Например: фразы для похода к врачу — собраны вот, а фразы для того, чтобы объясниться с парикмахером — А сегодня на очереди фразы на немецком языке, которые могут пригодится вам в самых разных жизненных ситуациях. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ! Hofbrauhaus interior where Hitler spoke National Socialist German Workers Party Public meeting in the Great Hall of the Hofbräuhaus Friday 15 August 1920 Adolf Hitler ~~Why We Are Antisemites~~ Translation from German by Hasso Castrup (Copenhagen, Denmark), January, 2013, exclusively for. Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
Известные фразы гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
I would therefore like the German people to understand the inner motives of National Socialist foreign policy, which finds it painful that the outlet to the sea of a people of 35 millions is situated on territory formerly belonging to the Reich, but which recognises that it is unreasonable and impossible to deny a State of such a size as this any outlet to the sea at all. I merely recall our agreement with Poland, which has worked out to the advantage of both sides …. And to my own fellow-citizens I would say that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become a reality …. The peoples of these States i. This good work, which had been doubted by so many at the time, has meanwhile stood the test, and I may say that, since the League of Nations finally gave up its perpetual attempts to unsettle Danzig and appointed in the new commissioner a man of great personal attainments, this most dangerous spot from the point of view of European peace has entirely lost its menacing character. The Polish State respects the national conditions in this State, and both the city of Danzig and Germany respect Polish rights. And so the way to a friendly understanding has been successfully paved, an understanding which, starting from Danzig, has to-day succeeded in spite of the attempts of certain mischief-makers in finally taking the poison out of the relations between Germany and Poland and transforming them into a sincere, friendly co-operation.
There was a danger that Poles and Germans would regard each other as hereditary enemies. I wanted to prevent this. I know well enough that I should not have been successful if Poland had had a democratic Constitution. For these democracies which indulge in phrases about peace are the most bloodthirsty war agitators. In Poland there ruled no democracy, but a man; and with him I succeeded, in precisely twelve months, in coming to an agreement which, for ten years in the first instance, entirely removed the danger of a conflict. We are all convinced that this agreement will bring lasting pacification.
We realise that here are two peoples which must live together and neither of which can do away with the other. A people of 33 millions will always strive for an outlet to the sea. A way for understanding, then, had to be found; it has been found; and it will be ever further extended. Certainly things were hard in this area. The nationalities and small national groups frequently quarrelled among themselves.
I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal? I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease.
I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production.
Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15.
Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade. I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr.
Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into.
This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr.
Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration.
It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom.
I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action. There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that. Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected.
In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments. The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr.
Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin. I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering.
Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain. But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities.
And for my my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live. The unreasonable division of the world into nations that have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases. For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is to take the place of this power for the purpose or regulating relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural vital claims and decide accordingly. It is the task of the League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course for the future. But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other. The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent to which it realize that the necessary reforms which concern international relations must be carefully considered and put into practice.
The German people once built up a colonial Empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did so without any war. That colonial Empire was taken away from us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act are not tenable. First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other Power? And when were these natives ever asked if they had been contented with the Power that formerly ruled them? Second: It is stated that the colonies were not administered properly by the Germans. Now, Germany had these colonies only for a few decades.
Great sacrifices were made in building them up and they were in a process of development which would have led to quite different results than in 1914. But anyhow the colonies had been so developed by us that other people considered it worth while to engage in a sanguinary struggle for the purpose of taking them from us. Third: It is said that they are of no real value. If that is the case then they can be of no value to other States also. And so it is difficult to see why they keep them. Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military purposes, but exclusively for economic purposes. It is obvious that in times of general prosperity the value of certain territories may decrease, but it is just as evident that in times of distress such value increases. Today Germany lives in a time of difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports are conceivable only if there be a continued and lasting increase in our exports.
Therefore, as a matter of course, our demand for colonies for our densely populated country will be put forward again and again. In concluding my remarks on this subject I should like to note a few points concerning the possible ways which may lead to a general pacification of Europe, which might also be extended outside Europe. They are the most important conditions for lasting and solid economic and political relations between the peoples. A few weeks ago we saw how an organized band of international war mongers spread a mass of lies which almost succeeded in raising mistrust between two nations and might easily have led to worse consequences than actually followed. I greatly regret that the British Foreign Secretary did not categorically state that there was not one word of truth in those calumnies about Morocco which had been spread by these international war mongers. Thanks to the loyalty of a foreign diplomat and his Government, it was possible to clear up this extraordinary situation immediately.
Польша обрушила нападки на свободный город Данциг. Более того, Польша не была готова уладить проблему Коридора разумным способом, с равноправным отношениям к обеим сторонам, и она не думала о соблюдении её обязательств по отношению к нацменьшинствам. Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются. Ни один француз не может встать и сказать, что какой-нибудь француз, живущий в Сааре, угнетён, замучен, или лишен своих прав. Никто не может сказать такого. Однако не прав окажется тот, кто станет расценивать мою любовь к миру и мое терпение как слабость или даже трусость. Поэтому я принял решение и вчера вечером проинформировал британское правительство, что в этих обстоятельствах я не вижу готовности со стороны польского правительства вести серьезные переговоры с нами. Я добьюсь, чтобы на восточной границе воцарился мир, такой же, как на остальных наших границах.
Damit ist Schluss. Lasse dich nicht beeindrucken davon, dass es derzeit bedrohlich kracht. Ha, da mache ich nicht mit. Ha, ich will konstruktiv wirken, nicht als Idiot im Hamsterrad. Ich sende meinen Dank an Adolf Hitler und an das deutsche Volk. Millionen Deutsche haben damals einen Kampf aufgenommen, der damals noch nicht zu gewinnen war. Sie haben Breschen geschlagen. Die wurden seither vertuscht und verwischt…und treten in dieser unserer neuen Zeit zutage.
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. История праздника, Традиции праздника, Тосты и Подарки, Интересные факты. В первую очередь из-за знаменитой фразы Гитлера в 1936 году, когда он наперекор всем приказал войти в демилитаризованную Рейнскую о6ласть. In seiner Ansprache vor dem deutschen Reichstag am 1. September 1939 rechtfertigte Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler den deutschen Angriff auf Polen. Die Rede war nicht nur an die anwesenden Reichstagsabgeordneten gerichtet: Durch Radioübertragung und Übersetzungen wurde Sorge.
Adolf Hitler Issues Comment on the "Jewish Question"
В заключение, несмотря на то что фразы Гитлера на немецком являются частью истории, их использование должно быть осознанным и ответственным. This list is incomplete; you can help by adding missing items. (February 2011). Главная» Новости» Выступления адольфа гитлера. О сервисе Прессе Авторские права Связаться с нами Авторам Рекламодателям Разработчикам. Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”.